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Erin is a Tool: The Conservative Party’s Latest Quisling Leader

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Throne, Altar, Liberty

The Canadian Red Ensign

The Canadian Red Ensign

Saturday, January 23, 2021

Erin is a Tool: The Conservative Party’s Latest Quisling Leader

The last time the old Conservative Party was led by someone whose political philosophy I would feel comfortable acknowledging as my own was almost a decade before my birth.  The Right Honourable John G. Diefenbaker, who became leader of the Progressive Conservative Party when it was in Opposition in 1956, led it to victory (a minority government) in the 1957 Dominion election, shortly before winning the party’s largest majority in percentage of seats ever the following year.   Reduced to a minority government again in 1962, Diefenbaker’s government fell in 1963 when Tommy Douglas’ socialists and the right-wing Social Credit Party both supported Liberal leader Lester Pearson when he called for a vote of no confidence because of Diefenbaker’s refusal to allow Washington D. C. to dictate policy in Ottawa on the matter of the nuclear arming of the Bomarc missiles.  

Pearson, who had betrayed his country to the Stalinist regime in the Soviet Union when he was attached to our Washington embassy in World War II (see the testimony of Elizabeth Bentley before the American House of Un-American Activities Committee), and betrayed the entire Commonwealth to both the Soviets and the Americans when he sided with these powers against the alliance of Britain, France, and Israel in 1957 as a Minister in the government of Louis St. Laurent, was here acting on behalf of John F. Kennedy’s government in the United States.   Diefenbaker continued to lead the party in Opposition for the next four years, which saw the shining moment of his entire career, when he led the Conservatives in fierce opposition to the new flag of 1965, the first major step taken by the Liberals during the long period in which they were led by Lester Pearson and his successor Pierre Trudeau to radically re-invent the country, and strip it of the most visible symbols of its Loyalist heritage and identity.   In 1967, Diefenbaker was replaced by Robert Stanfield as party leader in a leadership convention that was the culmination of two years’ worth of effort on the part of Dalton Camp, then the party president (which is not the same thing as party leader) to oust him.

While I admit that Diefenbaker’s performance in the office of Prime Minister was far less stellar than his performance in the office of Leader of Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition, his political philosophy was what I admire most about him.  He was a fierce defender of Canada’s Loyalist history and heritage, the traditional institutions derived from these such as the monarchy, Parliament, and the Common Law, and the symbols of all of these, such as the old flag.   While most if not all of his successors have paid lip service to much of this, it has never been with his passion.  He opposed all threats to Canadian freedom, whether it was the external threat posed by increasing American cultural and economic influence – or, as in the case of the Bomarc missiles incident, political influence – or the internal threat posed by the subversion of Parliamentary tradition, the exponential growth of the civil service, and the alarming way in which the government was increasingly treating the latter as a means of bypassing the former to govern by bureaucratic regulation rather than Parliamentary legislation.   His views are best stated in his own words in the speeches collected in his Those Things We Treasure (1972).  

This book and John Farthing’s Freedom Wears a Crown (1956 – posthumously edited by Judith Robinson) are the two classic texts of the political philosophy associated with the old Conservative Party from Sir John A. MacDonald to John G. Diefenbaker, a Canadian version of classical British Toryism.  Sadly both books have been out-of-print for years, although Diefenbaker’s has been fairly easily and inexpensively obtainable through used-book stores.   (I first obtained a copy from Black’s Vintage Books in Winnipeg, sadly no longer around, when I was still a theology student in college.   I had to send away for Farthing’s book when my attention was drawn to it by Ron Dart several years later.)   The classic text of the religious philosophy underlying this political philosophy, expressed as a jeremiad over the latter’s failure, was George Grant’s Lament for a Nation (1965), which remains in print.

After Diefenbaker was ousted, the leadership of the Progressive Conservative fell alternately to people who were more-or-less socialists in Conservative garb, like Stanfield, and had little-to-no problem with increasing bureaucratization and its threat to Canadian freedom, or to people who were basically big business liberals in Conservative garb, like Brian Mulroney, who promoted free trade with the United States, which throughout Canadian history had been a Liberal Party policy, and who had little-to-no problem with increasing American economic and cultural influence over Canada.     It was while Stanfield led the party that a “conservative movement” outside of the party began to form to oppose what Pierre Trudeau’s Liberals were doing and lobby for conservative causes, obviously because it was felt that the Party was failing to do this.    While the organizations and publications that made up this movement fought for good things for the most part – to give one example, Colin Brown founded the National Citizens Coalition in 1975 to fight for government fiscal accountability against Trudeau’s huge deficits – it lamentably tended to ignore the classical texts of Canadian Toryism mentioned in the previous paragraph and look for inspiration to the American conservative movement.   

This led to a blindness in the Mulroney years.   They could perceive that Mulroney had little interest in combatting the sweeping social, moral, and cultural changes that were quickly being introduced as a result of Pierre Trudeau’s having given the Supreme Court powers similar to its American counterpart by adding the Charter of Rights and Freedoms to the constitution (although to give credit where credit is due Mulroney was the last Conservative leader to attempt to pass legislation restricting abortion after the newly empowered Court struck the existing laws down in 1988) and thus in that sense was way too far to the Left like Stanfield,  but failed to recognize that the problem stemmed from unnaturally grafting an element of the American republican system onto our system of Crown-in-Parliament where it neither belongs nor fits (a mistake Tony Blair would later make in the United Kingdom) and to see Mulroney’s reversal of traditional Conservative opposition to free trade with the United States for the betrayal it was.   It was during the Mulroney years that the conservative movement allied itself with a populism that had been growing in the Western prairie provinces in response to the exceedingly arrogant way in which they had been treated by Ottawa under Trudeau and how Mulroney had offered little in the way of redress.   Together they formed a new party, the Reform Party of Canada.

This was not the first time conservatism and populism had been united in Canadian history.    John G. Diefenbaker, as explained above, was the last Conservative leader to fully represent in a way that did more than lip service, authentic traditional Canadian Toryism, but he was also a prairie populist reformer, a role that arose naturally out of his early career as a defence lawyer in Saskatchewan.   W. L. Morton, who was head of the history department at the University of Manitoba and the author of the Kingdom of Canada and a Canadian historian second only to Donald Creighton was, like Creighton, a traditional Tory, and, unlike Creighton, a strong advocate for fairer representation of the West in the Dominion government.   Diefenbaker and Morton, however, combined traditional Toryism with Western populism.   The Reform Party combined a neoconservatism that looked for inspiration to the United States with Western populism and this was not a good mix.   Ironically, they gave their party what had originally been the Confederation era name of their despised foe, the Liberals.   Also ironic, but in a less amusing way, their dividing the right-of-centre vote with the Progressive Conservatives kept the Liberals in government from 1993 to 2005.

Realizing that their division would only keep the Liberals in perpetual power, the Progressive Conservatives and the Reform Party began “Unite the Right” discussions in the late 1990, partially merging into the Canadian Alliance in 2000 and then fully uniting into the present Conservative Party of Canada in 2003.  They have had four leaders since then.   The first of these was Stephen Harper, who became Prime Minister with a minority government in 2006, won a majority government in 2011, and served as Prime Minister until 2015.   When Captain Airhead led the Liberals back into government in the Dominion election of that year, Harper stepped down, was briefly replaced by Rona Ambrose as an interim leader, before Andrew Scheer was chosen as the next leader.   Scheer performed incredibly poorly in that role, being initially too cautious as Opposition Leader, then essentially throwing away an election that was practically being handed to him by Captain Airhead with his self-destructive heaping of scandals upon scandals, with his, that is Scheer’s, one shining moment coming in March of last year, when he resolutely opposed the Liberals’ attempt to use the pandemic to escape Parliamentary oversight for two years.   At this point, however, it was too late to salvage Scheer’s leadership, and Erin O’Toole was chosen as the next leader.

Erin O’Toole has now set the record for the shortest time it has ever taken for a Conservative leader to so disgust me that I vowed never to vote for anyone in the party as long as he led it.   It took Stephen Harper until the last year of his premiership, when he introduced legislation to enhance the powers of government to invade the privacy of Canadians and spy on them, to do that.   Erin O’Toole has not even been leader for a full five months yet and he has already managed to do so.

On Monday O’Toole announced that he would be seeking to kick Derek Sloan out of the party caucus.   Sloan is the Member who represents the Upper Canada riding of Hastings-Lennox and Addington in the House of Commons.   Although he is a quite young MP – he is in his mid-thirties and was elected for the first time in the Dominion election of two years ago – he was one of O’Toole’s rivals in the leadership race last year.   He had become a target of the Left earlier that year when he asked the question of whether Theresa Tam, the federal chief medical mandarin, was working for Canada or China.  The Left assumed this to be a racist question based upon Tam’s ethnicity, although the question naturally arises out of the possible conflict of interests between her position in Canada and her role in the World Health Organization over which Red China has held an inordinate amount of influence, especially under its current director.   Sloan, a Seventh Day Adventist, is also a strong social conservative who opposes abortion, gender-identity discrimination legislation, and the Liberal government’s current attempts to ban conversion therapy.   O’Toole’s announcement was based upon the revelation that Sloan had received a donation from Paul Fromm.   On Wednesday the party voted to expel Sloan from the caucus.

Sloan’s response to this, appropriately, was to call out O’Toole for his blatant unfairness and hypocrisy.   Sloan could not have been reasonably expected to have known that the donation came from Paul Fromm since he had used his first name, Frederick, in making it, nor, would I add, is it reasonable in a free country to expect people who receive donations to vet their donors to make sure they are not guilty of some sort of crimethink.   That is the unfairness – the hypocrisy is in the fact that the party took a cut from the same donation and had sold a membership to the donor. 

This incident illustrates the biggest problem I have with the post-Diefenbaker leadership of the Conservative Party whether of the Left-leaning Stanfield variety or the American neo-liberal Mulroney variety.   They have all been terrified of being labelled “Far Right” and since they have allowed the Liberals and the socialists to define the “Far Right” and attach this label to whomever they wish without serious challenge, this has meant that they have allowed the Liberals and the socialists to dictate the acceptable parameters of thought within their own party.   Back in the period alluded to earlier, when discontent with the performance of the Progressive Conservatives had led to the creation of first a conservative movement and then the Reform Party of Canada, Dalton Camp, the party official who had orchestrated the backstabbing of Diefenbaker, was a regular commentator on the CBC.   He was frequently part of a panel with Erik Kierens of the Liberals and Stephen Lewis of the NDP as the Conservative representative to create the false impression of balanced commentary (like Kierens he very much represented the Left wing of his own party).  

Camp shared with his Liberal and NDP colleagues an abhorrence of social conservatism or “the Religious Right” as he called it, and regarded the phenomenon as both an import from the United States and the next thing to fascism.   This was utter nonsense, of course – most of the things that the Religious Right railed against – abortion on demand, the relaxing of laws and liberalization of attitudes towards sexual morality, the driving of the Bible and Lord’s Prayer out of schools – came to Canada much later than they did to the United States and consequently what social conservatives wish to return to had remained the status quo here much longer and had been the status quo much more recently(1).    Indeed, the first issue in the Culture War between the Left and the Religious Right in which the Left’s triumph in Canada preceded its victory in the United States was same-sex marriage, and Camp could hardly have claimed the Religious Right’s stance on this issue as an American import because he died of complications from a stroke the year prior to the first court-ordered alteration to the status quo of 1 man + 1 woman = marriage and three years before the Liberals introduced the bill in Parliament that generalized the change.    The leadership of the Conservative Party, however, was terrified of the accusations coming from the Liberals, the NDP, the Left-dominated mainstream media, and their own Dalton Camp, that the social conservative ideas of  the conservative movement and the new Reform Party were dangerously” Far Right”.

That by taking this stance they were helping to move the centre of the Canadian mainstream dangerously close to the “Far Left” never seemed to occur to them.

Everything I have just said with regards to the social, moral, and religious issues of the Culture War also applies to the issues pertaining to immigration, nationality, and race except that with these issues, the Progressive Conservative Party leadership was even quicker to concede to the Liberals and to the Left the right to define a consensus and the acceptable parameters containing that consensus from which all dissent would be excluded. The capitulation was more complete.   Furthermore, the leadership  of the Reform Party joined in this concession with regards to these issues.

What is the consensus that the Liberals and their further-to-the-Left allies, given this free reign, imposed upon Canada?

It amounts to this: if you are white, discriminating against someone who is not is about the worst thing you could do, and the law must protect others against your discrimination by giving the government the power to punish you with complete and total economic and social destruction, but you yourself must have no protection under law against discrimination, because you, being white, are incapable of being discriminated against, and if you complain about or even notice the unfairness of this then you are an evil, prejudiced bigot, a racist, a Nazi, who must either be re-programmed or completely excluded from society.

The Liberal Party worked hard at establishing this double standard which is utterly repugnant morally and completely indefensible intellectually as consensus, or rather state-imposed dogma,  during the premierships of Lester Pearson and Pierre Trudeau.   In 1970 Parliament passed a bill introduced while Pearson was Prime Minister that added sections 318-320 to the Criminal Code which created several new offences each having to do in some way with “hate propaganda”.   This was entirely unnecessary because anything criminalized by these sections that really ought to be against the law was already against the existing laws against inciting crime and violence.   The existing laws were superior in every way because they protected all Canadians alike.   In 1977, Trudeau’s Liberals rammed the Canadian Human Rights Act through Parliament.   Despite the title, this bill had nothing to do with ensuring that such basic rights as life, liberty, and property were guaranteed to all people in Canada or in protecting anybody in Canada from the abuse by the state that is the first thing that pops into most people’s minds upon hearing “human rights violations”.   The Act was entirely about dictating to Canadians that they could not discriminate against each other on the grounds of race, sex, etc. in their private lives.   It established an investigatory body to look into accusations of discrimination, and a tribunal to hear the charges.   Since it is considered “civil law”, the accused are denied the rights they would have as defendants under criminal law.   The reality, however, is that it punishes the “crime” of wrongthink.   Although the law is written in such a way as to make the offence reside in the act of discriminating rather than the race/sex/whatever of the complainant and the accused so that in theory, the white person turned down from a job by an employer who only hires people from his own Asian or African nationality ought to have just as strong a case as someone in the reverse situation, that is not how it works in practice.   The Commission that investigates and the Tribunal that hears these cases operate on an Animal Farm, “some animals are more equal than others” basis, which is, of course, how the Trudeau Liberals instructed them to operate from the beginning.   In the few instances when anybody has ever bothered to question the uneven way in which this law is administered, the answer has always been to point back to the intent behind the law, to protect “vulnerable minorities”.    It is, of course, incredibly bad practice to allow the intent behind a law that is worded in such a way as to suggest that it protects everybody from racial discrimination to overrule the wording and turn it into a law that protects people from some races and not others, but then, the law itself is bad because it unnecessarily extends government control into the private lives of Canadians to the point of telling them what they can and cannot be thinking when interacting with others when all that was really called for was for the government to lead by example in not practicing colour discrimination itself.   That, however, would have required going back to the policies of John G. Diefenbaker, the Conservative Prime Minister who  militantly opposed racism and whose vision for the Dominion of Canada was one of national unity, which he believed in so strongly that he made it the title of his three volume memoir One Canada, instead of following the bad example of the Americans, who at least had the sense to call their earlier and equivalent law a “Civil Rights Act”. 

The protecting “vulnerable minorities” justification for all this bad legislation and practice has grown in its rhetorical force from then until now and Pierre Trudeau’s foul offspring has just trotted it out again in support of his upcoming efforts to seize even more control over what Canadians are allowed to think and communicate to each other.   Its rhetorical force should have shrunk.   At the time it was first evoked, 96% of Canadians were white.   This is no longer the case today, indeed, we are at the point where whites becoming a minority is on the near horizon, but the voices from the Left telling us that everybody else belongs to a “vulnerable” or “disadvantaged” minority that needs increased government protection against whites are becoming louder, more stringent and more hysterical by the day.   Don’t expect  those same voices to come to the defence of whites when they become a minority and one far more vulnerable than any other in Canada has ever been due to decades of this anti-white propaganda.   The demographic transformation just alluded to is the direct result of immigration changes introduced by Lester Pearson and Pierre Trudeau.   I don’t mean the points system introduced by Order-in-Council in 1967.   It is itself an admirable and fair way of processing applications based upon individual merit, although the Pearson Liberals do not deserve the credit for eliminating racial discrimination from immigration policy that the Liberal Interpretation of Canadian History – what Donald Creighton dubbed “the Authorized Version” – assigns them because Diefenbaker had already done that in 1962.   I refer rather to a number of changes introduced quietly, unannounced, and with no fanfare, whereby the civil servants charged with processing applications were told to give priority to applications from non-traditional source countries over those from traditional source countries with the result that “traditional Euro-British sources of immigration were effectively shut off in favour of migrants and their extended families from the Third World” (Kenneth McDonald, A Wind in the Heath: A Memoir, Epic Press, 2003).  

Instead of opposing all of this, as they ought to have done, the Progressive Conservatives whether the socialist Stanfield types, the moderate Joe Clark types, or the neo-liberal Brian Mulroney types embraced it.   Indeed, when Brian Mulroney took over the leadership of the party he basically sent out the message that opposition to the Trudeau agenda on these issues would not be tolerated and that discrimination against whites would be continued.   As Prime Minister, in fact, he set out to out-Trudeau Trudeau himself with regards to immigration.   Perhaps some of the Conservative leader were dense enough to think that Pearson and Trudeau had been continuing Diefenbaker’s “One Canada” vision rather than subverting and inverting it.   For the most part, however, they were terrified of being labelled “Far Right” by the Liberals and the press.   The Liberals, in the Pearson-Trudeau period had attempted the frighten the public into accepting their measures as necessary to fight a non-existent “Far Right” threat, by creating a fake “Canadian Nazi Party”, which their media allies then splashed all over the headlines and the television news.   The Mulroney Conservatives, having received the message, proceeded to pass it on when they gained competition for the right-of-centre vote in the Reform Party.   They ordered CSIS, the spy agency created in the last month of the Trudeau premiership, to create another fake neo-Nazi group, the Heritage Front, which the media again went wild over.   This was in 1989, two years after the Reform Party was formed.   The purpose seems to have been to smear the Reform Party by association, a goal towards which they received assistance from lawyer, activist and Liberal strategist Warren Kinsella in his 1997 book Web of Deceit, which, in my opinion ought to be categorized as fiction, under which genre it might actually deserve an award for its creative plot about the imminent threat of  a neo-Nazism working through the  conservative movement  and  the Reform Party to take over Canada.   Note this is the same Warren Kinsella, who should not be confused with the late novelist W. P. Kinsella (W. P. stood for William Patrick, Warren is, I think, a middle name), but who was, according to a Globe and Mail article conveniently timed to come out just before the last Dominion election, hired by Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives to sling mud of a similar nature against Maxime Bernier, Scheer’s chief rival in the previous Conservative Party leadership race, and his new People’s Party of Canada.

Erin O’Toole has now followed the shameful examples of Mulroney and Scheer.   His motive is obvious enough – only a few weeks ago he was jumped on by Captain Airhead, for giving an interview to Ezra Levant’s Rebel Media.   Captain Airhead, who thinks that only media that he subsidizes and which express views of which he approves, should be allowed to exist, condemned the Rebel as being “Far Right”.   If he had Ludwig von Mises’ concept of “Left” and “Right” as a spectrum moving from total government control on the Left to an absence of government on the Right, he might have had a point, as The Rebel is quite libertarian, but I very much doubt he has read Mises or that he possesses the capacity to do so.   The interview, however, came shortly before the incident on Epiphany when, as Donald the Orange was addressing half a million of his supporters before the Washington Monument, a smaller group entered the Congress building on Capitol Hill, took selfies and, unfortunately in a handful of cases, got into violent skirmishes with the Capitol Hill Police, all of which was blown up by the same media that supported the BLM and Antifa anti-white hate riots that produced far more destruction, violence, and death all across America, into the ludicrous lie of “Trump incites insurrection”.   O’Toole, pissing himself, immediately proceeded to proclaim how much he and the party he leads are against “white supremacists”, by which the media seems to mean anyone who opposes anti-white racism and certainly everyone – all 75 million American voters of them – who supported Trump.   He also took the opportunity to throw his own rival from last year’s leadership race under the bus and out of the party.

Well, perhaps he can instruct his party to stop soliciting me for funds.   I have not received a campaign contribution from Paul Fromm, as I have never stooped so low as to run for office, but I have donated to the Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform, the Canadian Association for Free Expression, and the Canada First Immigration Reform Committee, all of which were founded or co-founded by said Paul Fromm, whom I have known for years.  The first mentioned, which is also, I believe, the oldest is “a group of aid reformers who eschew guilt and believe that population control and free enterprise are the key to development”.   I took that definition from the Glossary in my personally inscribed copy of Down the Drain? A Critical Re-examination of Canadian Foreign Aid written by Paul Fromm and James P. Hull and published by Griffin House, Toronto in 1981.  Fromm and Hull’s approach to foreign aid has always made more sense to me than the Liberal policy of taxing poor people in rich countries to subsidize rich people in poor countries, never more evident than under the current Prime Minister.   The Canadian Association for Free Expression was founded shortly prior to when Brian Mulroney became Prime Minister which was also around the time that Canada’s two most publicized trials for crimethink began, those of Ernst Zuendel, the German born graphic artist and publisher who resided in Toronto and James Keegstra, the school teacher and mayor from Eckville , Alberta.   CAFE is committed to the classical liberal view of John Stuart Mill that speech, whether right, wrong, or somewhere in between, ought never to be suppressed.   While there are many who would think that the cases of Zuendel, whose publications included The Hitler We Loved and Did Six Million Really Die?, and Keegstra, who taught his students that the Jews were behind a conspiracy to dominate the world, stretch that principle past its breaking point, these are, in my opinion, wrong.   Cases like this are not the breaking point of freedom of speech, they are its test.   Only those willing to stand up for freedom of speech, when it is opinions that the vast majority find loathsome that the government is trying to suppress, can truly be said to have passed that test – men like Paul Fromm and the late Doug Christie, who was the lawyer in both of these cases.   If the state is allowed to get away with suppressing extremely unpopular opinions, it will move on to suppressing less unpopular opinions.    In Canada we have moved from the government persecuting a man for saying that Hitler’s victims were significantly less than six-million in number all the way to where the government is trying to tell us that we cannot say that someone born with a penis and testicles and who has XY chromosomes is a man if he self-identifies as a woman.   Give the state censors an inch and they will take a mile.   Pastor Martin Niemöller said “First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out-Because I was not a socialist.  Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out-Because I was not a trade unionist.  Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out-Because I was not a Jew.  Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me”.  It astonishes me that there are those familiar with this poem and the story behind who miss the point completely and will get offended at the application I am about to make.  In 1984 – a rather significant date don’t you think – they came for Ernst Zuendel and James Keegstra, and Doug Christie and Paul Fromm spoke out!   Everyone who values the freedom our country was built upon – Richard Cartwright famously expressed the spirit of Confederation by saying that he preferred British freedom over American equality – and for which we have always been told our country went to war against Hitler, would do well to look to that example.

The progressive media, of course, in their lust to help O’Toole crucify Sloan, has been calling Paul Fromm such names as “white supremacist” and “neo-nazi”, as have those members of the neo-conservative press who have defended Sloan on the same grounds on which he defended himself.   Mr. Fromm has never applied such terms to himself, which the media have thrown against him for decades, but has always eschewed and disavowed them (I once witnessed him do so to someone who actually was a self-proclaimed National Socialist).   He has referred to himself as a “white nationalist” but I remember that when he started doing this the term had not developed the connotations it now has and simply meant something along the lines of an advocate for the rights of white people, similar to what groups like the NAACP are for black people in the United States, and I have never gotten the impression that he meant it in any other way.   He should, perhaps, have foreseen the way the term would evolve.   I never liked the term, although I believe that now more than ever, open advocates for the rights and liberties of white people, who are demonized by racist hate groups such as BLM and Antifa with the full support of the media and the politicians and who are officially discriminated against, are needed.   It confuses “race” with “nation” for one thing.   

For another, nationalisms of any sort tend to conflict with my Tory political philosophy.   One’s monarch is the proper object of political allegiance, not a people, race, or nation, and in association with one’s monarch, one’s country, which is a place, one’s home writ large, although not merely in the sense of a location on a map, but a place vested with tradition and history, expressed in its institutions, and including, of course, those who live there.   This is what the old patriotic cry “for King and country” meant.

This brings me back to Diefenbaker.   

Diefenbaker, because he was the last Conservative leader – and the last Canadian Prime Minister – to really embrace “King and country” or “Queen and country” Toryism in a wholehearted way, was the last Conservative leader and Prime Minister capable of taking the strong stand against racism that he did, without replacing it with racism of another sort, as the Liberals who governed after him did.   This is precisely because “Queen and country” is the only object of allegiance which can truly provide civil unity and harmony.   As W. L. Morton put it “Any one, French, Irish, Ukrainian or Eskimo, can be a subject of the Queen and a citizen of Canada without in any way changing or ceasing to be himself.” (The Canadian Identity, University of Toronto Press, 1961, 1972)   If that sounds like Pierre Trudeau’s “mosaic” vision of “multiculturalism”, understand that Trudeau’s doctrine is actually a mockery of this.  Instead of uniting diverse people in loyalty to their Royal Sovereign so that they can all participate in the country over which she reigns in a way that makes the history, traditions, and legacy of freedom of that country their own, Trudeau’s doctrine turned diversity itself into an object of cult worship that keeps them divided so that bureaucrats can increasingly manage their lives and rob them of the freedom that is the property by right of all Her Majesty’s subjects.   If Erin O’Toole really believes that “racism is a disease of the soul” then he would do better to lead his party back to what it was when Diefenbaker led it rather than to win Captain Airhead’s approval by repeating his totalitarian rhetoric about “It has no place in our country” and opportunistically ejecting a rival from the party’s caucus, over his unknowingly having received a donation from the man who has for decades been the most courageous opponent of the only racism that is truly a problem in Canada today, the racism that has been enshrined in law since 1977, anti-white racism.

(1)   This also shows how utterly absurd the expression “Red Tory” is.   Originally, Gad Horowitz coined the term to refer to traditional Tories like George Grant who had some positive views of socialism.   Grant, a strong social conservative who warned that in the legalization of abortion the essence of fascism was coming to North American under the guise of liberalism, did not like having this label applied to him.   Dalton Camp, who was a Mulroney Conservative until Mulroney became a free trader – it is to Camp’s credit that he abandoned the Mulroney camp over this – embraced the label.   Grant wrote his Lament over the fall of the Diefenbaker government, Camp was responsible for ousting Diefenbaker from the party leadership.  Any term coined to refer to the one and appropriated by the other cannot possibly express anything meaningful.    Posted by Gerry T. Neal at 2:02 PM Labels:

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Opinion: Immigration may make global net-zero carbon harder

How can the Conservatives, Liberals, NDP, Greens and Bloc Québécois claim to believe in man-caused climate change – much less support remedies for it – when they ALL continue to support mass immigration? 


If the Conservative Party of Canada supports the classical liberal notion of free trade along with mass immigration and official multiculturalism – then what exactly are they“conserving”? This question is now even more timely and relevant as Erin O’Toole apparently opposes social conservatism in all of its forms.How can they claim to be “conservative”when they support liberalized trade, immigration and social policies?


The People’s Party of Canada at least offers a home for social conservatives, supporters of free speech and those who wish to preserve Canada’s current ethnocultural character by way of immigration reductionism as well as an end to official multiculturalism.


However, the PPC still supports free trade,deregulation, outsourcing, offshoring and supply side economics.


A true Conservative political party in the historic High Tory MacDonald to Diefenbaker tradition would support a highly restrictive and reductionist citizenship & immigration policy,assimilation over multiculturalism, economic nationalism and trade protectionism. It would also not demonize social conservatives nor restrict freedom of expression. It would seek to unapologetically preserve the Monarchy,appointed Senate, and our Christian European heritage. 


In my opinion, O’Toole AND Bernier are completely divorced from the Canadian High Tory tradition a la MacDonald to Diefenbaker. BOTH offer half bakedversions of the real thing.
Thatcherism and Reaganism – which most aspiring Canadian Conservative leaders (including O’Toole & Bernier) have sought to emulate – in whole or part – over the past 40 years – are in reality repackaged 19th century British Liberalism (Gladstonian liberalism)


Canada needs to rediscover an unapologetic MacDonald/Disraeli High Toryism. 
Opinion: Immigration may make global net-zero harder
https://financialpost.com/opinion/opinion-immigration-may-make-global-net-zero-harder

Gila Kibner 

MAXIME BERNIER & THE PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA GET IT — WE NEED A MORATORIUM ON IMMIGRATION AT LEAST UNTIL CANADA’S LEGIONS OF UNEMPLOYED — VICTIMS OF CORONAVIRUS HYSTERIA — GET BACK TO WORK

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MAXIME BERNIER & THE PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA GET IT — WE NEED A MORATORIUM ON IMMIGRATION AT LEAST UNTIL CANADA’S LEGIONS OF UNEMPLOYED — VICTIMS OF CORONAVIRUS HYSTERIA — GET BACK TO WORK

MAXIME BERNIER IN ACTION

maxime bernier

maxime bernier

On March 12, the day before Parliament was suspended because of the pandemic, the Trudeau government announced its plan to accept one million immigrants in the next three years.

Since then, millions of Canadians have lost their job or been forced to work fewer hours.

The situation has completely changed.

It may take years for the unemployment rate to come down to more normal levels.

Does it make sense to continue to welcome 350 thousand immigrants every year when millions of Canadians are out of a job?

Of course not!

We should give priority to Canadian workers looking for a job.

For the moment, Canada’s borders are closed to most non-residents and there is in effect an immigration moratorium.

This moratorium should continue after the borders are reopened, until unemployment has gone down.

And then, we should have a real debate about having a sustainable level of immigration, instead of the mass immigration that the Liberals are planning.

Frederick, if you agree that we should have a moratorium on immigration, sign our petition.

And if you can afford if in these difficult times, please pitch in $2 to help us fight for the rights of unemployed Canadians.

Thank you,
-Max

 

________________________
People’s Party of Canada
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To make a donation with a cheque, please use this address: 290, St-Joseph Blvd, room 205, Gatineau, Quebec, J8Y 3Y3. The cheque must be made payable to People’s Party of Canada. To make an online donation, please visit our website: www.peoplespartyofcanada.ca. Thank you!

Elections Canada Ads tell Old Stock Canadians to change identity

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Elections Canada Ads tell Old Stock Canadians to change identity  
 
Posted on October 20, 2019
 
In a 30 second commercial that has been filling TV screens for a week now, Elections Canada encourages Canadians to register and vote on October 21st because, in their words, “It’s Our Vote”.
 
But if you look at the faces of the half dozen people featured in this ad, you might get the impression that it is not “our” vote—the vote of “old stock” Canadians—but “their” vote, the vote of the million migrants who pass through our gates or walk across our borders each and every year– courtesy of an immigration and refugee policy constructed in defiance of public opinion. https://immigrationwatchcanada.org/2019/08/05/canada-is-now-taking-over-1-million-unnecessary-immigrants-per-year
 
As far as I can determine, at least four of the actors in this cute story are “people of colour” (POC), and three of them New Canadians, including the one or two year old product of a biracial marriage.
 
Even the less discerning of us will appreciate that Elections Canada’s sales pitch is rife with stark symbolism. If it needed a title, it could be called be “Moving Day”, as it features someone whom I would dub “Mr. Token”, a young white male with golden locks cheerfully helping POC carry furniture into their new abode.
 
Significantly, several frames in the commercial depict the New Canadians at a Citizenship ceremony, with their right hand up and poised to swear allegiance. Particularly poignant is the image of the baby boy in his father’s arms clutching a small maple leaf flag.
 
All in all, it is one big happy and harmonious display of Canada-in-the-making. Aside from their racial composition, one cannot fail to notice that all of the people in this ad are young. It doesn’t take a genius to see what demographic this commercial is directed at, and which political parties or politicians they are most likely to vote for.
 
Let me give you a hint. It isn’t Maxime Bernier or the Peoples Party of Canada.
 
Of course, I wouldn’t dream of questioning the neutrality of a taxpayer funded instrument of information and integrity like Elections Canada. I am sure that Elections Canada is above reproach, like the CBC!!
 
Diversity cultists would no doubt claim that the racial makeup of these actors merely represents the reality of Canada today. Not quite. Visible minorities make up roughly half of Metro Vancouver and Toronto—not two-thirds, as this ad would suggest. Moreover, in no way does this ad reflect the racial profile of the nation at large, where visible minorities make up 22% of the population.
 
It may come as a shock to the social engineers in Ottawa, Toronto and Vancouver, but the universe extends far beyond the urban boundaries of these bastions of so-called enlightenment, tolerance and diversity. As a matter of fact, I would suggest that a good third of Canadians are grounded in reality, something that most “progressive” big city dwellers can barely relate to. If these morally superior beings were interested in seeing what reality looks like, the protocol is clear. Turn off the CBC. Pack your bags. Get in your car. And take a trip to small town hinterland communities where ordinary people tend to dwell. But be prepared to be”interrupted” by common sense.
 
It must be understood that in commissioning commercials like this, it was never the intention of the immigration lobby and its executive arm in Parliament to depict Canada as it actually is, but rather, to condition viewers to accept the Canada that they hope will unfold. The message is, “This is a done deal. This is what our cities and towns will soon look like, whether you like it or not. Resistance is futile.” In other words, these kind of TV ads are not descriptive but prescriptive. And we have had a ton of them in recent years, haven’t we?
 
Those who care to reflect upon the rapid demographic change that this Elections Canada message illustrates will soon realize that it is not precisely about “Moving Day”, but rather, Moving “in” Day. But if someone is moving “in”, then the question becomes, “Who is moving out?”
 
From coast to coast, the answer is clear: Old stock Canadians, both young and old. That is why formerly “sleepy” towns and quiet havens from Camrose to Charlottetown are experiencing a population boom.
 
Maybe we could call it “The Californian Effect”, in deference to progressive middle class Californian Democratic Party voters who, having fouled their own nest, flee to hinterland states like Idaho or Montana yet to be despoiled by the madness of “sanctuary cities” and identity politics gone mad.
 
The irony is, many of these white flight (or white plight?) urban refugees are fleeing from the consequences of policies imposed by the open borders parties . Displacement looks good on them, doesn’t it? Do you think that eventually these people will connect the dots between urban decay, unaffordable housing, and traffic congestion, on the one hand, and the policy of mass immigration on the other?
 
Can we fix stupid?
 
Time will tell.
 

I Voted “Max” & the People’s Party of Canada

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I Voted “Max” & the People’s Party of Canada

VOTING FOR BERNIER

On this beautiful Thanksgiving afternoon, I voted “Max” — People’s Party of Canada. It’s the only party that promises real immigration reduction and reform; protection of our much eroded freedom of speech, and a challenge to the “diversity” delusion.

Behind the Smiling Mask of Andrew Scheer’s Conservative Party

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Behind the Smiling Mask of Andrew Scheer’s Conservative Party

             Scheer and muzzies

 

You might recall seeing a photo months ago (above) of Andrew Scheer standing with— reportedly—some of the most dangerous Islamic leaders in the country. Of course, many of Scheer’s apologists would dismiss the embarrassing photo op by saying that he was simply unaware of the sordid connections of the people posing next to him.  But this video indicates that Mr. Scheer was not only aware of who these people are, but he has maintained close personal contact with them:

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GOfyR-nmmEE

 

http://www.riseoftheislamist.com/

 

After seeing this photo and viewing the video, one is moved to ask some serious questions. Questions like:

 

Is this what a leader of a so called “Conservative” Party looks like?

 

Is this what a “Conservative” Party stands for?

 

In my estimation, a “conservative” should want to conserve our Western, European and Christian heritage—not the culture of Islam, a totalitarian blend of religion and politics, an ideology whose holy text prescribes “hijra”, conquest by immigration.  https://www.cspii.org/blog/immigration-islamic-doctrine-and-history

 

Islamophobia? A phobia is an irrational fear. Let’s not fool ourselves. A fear of this ideology is entirely rational, as 1400 years of history attests.  It should be pointed out, however, that there is a difference between attacking an ideology and maligning all of its adherents. Most adherents are ordinary law-abiding folk who, like all citizens, deserve full protection from harm or discrimination under the law. But while individuals deserve protection, ideas and ideologies don’t.  Belief systems are fair game. It took a long time for Western democracies to dispatch laws against blasphemy, but it seems that politicians and the lobbies they pander to are intent on resurrecting them. Ironically they are quick to warn us of the spectre of violent “white nationalist” extremism while simultaneously courting the votes of the apostles of violent extremism in mosques.

 

As an indefatigable  researcher noted several months ago, the “Conservative” Party has approved three current federal candidates with ties to Islamic extremism (and a sitting Conservative Senator as well). “The party has been well advised of the background of these individuals and yet, to date, have not taken action to remove them. The recent report of Andrew Scheer’s alignment with radical Imams is of growing concern.”

 

https://drive.google.com/open?id=1kGOTvZxaKiYVAOpLhWXxC07x0HBA0AJ4

 

She further notes that “A Conservative Candidate, Ghada Melek, is a Coptic Christian currently being unfairly targeted by the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM) who are calling on Melek to drop out of the race “following reports about her past social media posts,” which the NCCM deems to be “Islamophobic.”   

https://www.nccm.ca/nccm-calls-for-conservative-candidate-ghada-meleks-resignation/

 

The story by Christine Williams can be found here:

https://www.jihadwatch.org/2019/08/canada-under-siege-islamic-supremacist-onslaught-against-christian-federal-conservative-candidate

 

After reading this account one is moved to ask “What position will Andrew Scheer take?”  Now that is the $64,000 question, isn’t it?

 

The federal election is fast approaching and many longstanding Conservative members have been fearful of splitting the vote since Maxime Bernier decided to step away from the party a year ago, a decision that most pundits described as foolhardy and suicidal.  But as we bear witness to the shameless pandering, opportunism and corruption unfolding among the top echelons of the Conservative,  Mr. Bernier’s decision to form a party is looking more and more like a courageous demonstration of integrity and principle.  

 

Bernier’s conspicuous disregard for political correctness and clear articulation of what many ordinary Canadians believe has attracted supporters from across the political spectrum, but many traditional Conservative voters hesitate to make the leap because they hear the voice of the Conservative Party establishment whispering in their ears : “A vote for Bernier is  a vote for Trudeau”, or in the case of my own constituency, “A vote for the Peoples’ Party of Canada is a vote for the despicable NDP incumbent, Rachel Blainey.”

 

 The time-worn rationalization for strategic voting simply put is that we must not “split the vote” because dethroning (fill in the blank) is paramount. We must pinch our noses and choose the lesser of the evils.

 

 The problem with this conventional  view is two-fold. One is that when all is said and done, there is little to choose between the major parties. Upon closer examination, the Conservative Party looks like a Liberal Party that happens to believe in balanced budgets.  But life is not just about numbers.  It is, among other things, about the maintenance of our sovereignty, ethno-cultural heritage, family structure and most importantly, the freedom to speak our minds, including the right to criticize any religion.  In an authentic democracy, there can be no right “not to be offended.”

 

 

 Secondly, we must consider the broader moral question.  If we always choose the lesser of evils we will be guaranteeing the perpetual reign of evil. At some point, we must be prepared to say “None of the above”.  But it seems that whenever we consider voting for our principles, we are told that “this is not the time… our most urgent mission is to rid the country of Trudeau, and once that mission is accomplished, then we can do the fine tuning.”  But history suggests that the time for fine tuning never comes, because there is always a new devil on the scene that we must unite against.

 

We must bite the bullet. We must risk the re-election of Boy Wonder in order to establish a beach head for a party of principle that can keep building its base so that it can be in a position to form a government four years from now.  We must be patient. Growing a fledgling party takes time, and in less than a year, Maxime Bernier has made enormous strides—as have the passionately patriotic people who have made his cause their cause. Bernier leads, but he also listens. Bernier launched the People’s Party of Canada, but the  PPC is not a “top down” party, but a “bottom up” organization where members feel like participants rather simple foot soldiers.  It’s populism in action.

 

Meanwhile, we will continue to work tirelessly in our endeavour to do the homework and keep Canadians informed.  In return, our only request is that once apprised of the facts, each of us must find the courage to share them with all the people in our respective social networks. Our workmates, our neighbours, our friends and especially the members of our own families.   Surely that is the least we can do.

 

Knowledge is Power. You have it. Now share it!

 

Tim Murray

 

Additional information about Maxime Bernier

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CVwo0yp01y

https://twitter.com/maximebernier/status/1124003082780782594

https://www.peoplespartyofcanada.ca/canadian_identity_ending_official_multiculturalism_and_preserving_canadian_values_and_culture

PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA — THE BEST CHANCE FOR IMMIGRATION REFORM IN 30 YEARS

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PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA — THE BEST CHANCE FOR IMMIGRATION REFORM IN 30 YEARS

SAY NO TO MASS IMMIGRATION

 dites nondites non

This is the first chance for real immigration reform since the early days of the Reform Party and my friend the late journalist & war hero Doug Collins. Preston Manning neutered immigration reform as his father had true Social Crediters in the Socred Party after Aberhart.

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Support the People’s Party of Canada – Real Immigration Reform at Last – Paul Fromm

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Support the People’s Party of Canada – Real Immigration Reform at Last – Paul Fromm 
https://www.bitchute.com/video/vX1j7bVtQEHz/?fbclid=IwAR02tiOztwEVIhy_hVt_lQYsJMv4RceU21o_fw3CU-s8QiffGfbRWXQY4tE
PAUL AND MAXIME BERNEIR 1

Paul Fromm attended at rally for Maxime Bernier who is running for Prime Minister of Canada. A photo was taken of Paul with Maxime and a furor broke out because of that. Here Paul talks with Brian Ruhe about it. Paul is Director of the Canada First Immigration Reform Committee at: http://canadafirst.nfshost.com/

Volunteer or Donate: https://gogetfunding.com/brian-ruhe-is-creating-videos-on-the-brian-ruhe-show-on-youtube-2/
http://www.brianruhe.ca/please-donate/
Bitcoin: 15Ls63J21zzhAPE7ke4P2JhaHyAEhUrJVe
http://www.brianruhe.ca/volunteer/

MAXIME BERNIER LEADER OF THE PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA WITH COMMON SENSE ABOUT SECURING THE BORDER

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MAXIME BERNIER LEADER OF THE PEOPLE’S PARTY OF CANADA WITH COMMON SENSE ABOUT SECURING THE BORDER 

 

How we should be managing our border at Roxham Road. Cheap. Effective.

 

“Instead of making it easier to enter Canada and helping these illegal refugees, as the Liberal government has done, we will make it more difficult, by fencing off the areas where it takes place such as Roxham Road in Quebec.”

Maxime Bernier
@MaximeBernier

 

Image

Canada lawmaker says Trudeau’s warning against white supremacy is ethnic attack

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Canada lawmaker says Trudeau’s warning against white supremacy is ethnic attack

 By Steve Scherer,Reuters Mon, Apr 15 6:27 PM EDT