{"id":982,"date":"2017-07-01T21:10:04","date_gmt":"2017-07-01T21:10:04","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/?p=982"},"modified":"2017-07-01T21:10:04","modified_gmt":"2017-07-01T21:10:04","slug":"for-canadas-150th-anniversary-the-demolition-of-a-nation-one-step-at-a-time","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/?p=982","title":{"rendered":"For Canada\u2019s 150th Anniversary : \u201cThe Demolition Of A Nation, One Step At A Time\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n
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For Canada\u2019s 150th Anniversary : \u201cThe Demolition Of A Nation, One Step At A Time\u201d<\/span><\/div>\n
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By Tim Murray<\/span><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n
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\u00a0 A Giant Toy Rubber Duck: Canada’s Symbol for its 150th Anniversary.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n
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The Demolition of a Nation, One Step At A Time (revised)<\/span><\/p>\n

On\u00a0July 1, 2017<\/span><\/span>, Canada will observe 150 years of Confederation. But as this bulletin points out, is there a nation still to celebrate?<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201c\u2026the people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population.\u201d Prime Minister Mackenzie King, May 1st, 1947<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIt is rare for a nation\u2026 to turn in a completely new direction. It is unusual for a democracy take such a turn. People are therefore entitled to inquire whether the distinctive character of their nation\u2014and some of its greatest achievements\u2014will remain if people from very different cultures are encouraged to come and, as far as possible, to maintain their own cultures. \u201c Geoffrey Blainey (\u201cAll for Australia\u201d p. 154)<\/span><\/p>\n

Demolitions, if viewed in slow motion, are revealed to be a sequential process. They begin with the destruction of the ground floor, and work their way up, until the entire building \u201csuddenly\u201d collapses. Viewed in hindsight, it may appear that the collapse of Canada\u2019s identity was almost instantaneous. But in fact, it did not happen overnight. Our cultural, ethnic and environmental edifice was brought down incrementally, by a series of policies and laws that spanned some forty years. Let\u2019s start at the beginning, in 1962, at the \u201cground floor\u201d of implosion, and then follow the chain of disintegration up to 2006 and our present predicament, with Canada teetering on the edge of complete colonization and assimilation.<\/span><\/p>\n

1962\u00a0Prime Minister John Diefenbaker\u2019s Progressive Conservative government declared that independent immigrants and their immediate families would be admitted to Canada from everywhere in the world. However, while the Tories said that all comers were welcome, it was successive Liberal governments which set up the machinery to get them.<\/span><\/p>\n

1965\u00a0In response to a global mood to support the movement for colonial independence and repudiate the history that made the Holocaust possible, Canada signed the \u201cUnited Nations International Convention on All Forms of Racial Discrimination\u201d. This post-war shift in attitude served to discredit principles that were used to legitimize exclusions in existing immigration policy. The signing of this UN Convention, a seemingly innocuous action, came to have a profound impact on subsequent immigration policy-making.<\/span><\/p>\n

1966\u00a0The Pearson government\u2019s White Paper on Immigration Policy advocated a universal admissions policy. The country was to be cut from its cultural moorings, as European immigrants would no longer be given preference. This change in immigration selection criteria constituted a crucial change in direction for the country. It was a confluence of two beliefs. One, that Canada should cast its immigration net widely to capture \u201cthe best and the brightest\u201d, and two, that Canada was morally obligated to embrace immigrants from across the world without reference to their ethnic, racial, religious or cultural origins. No longer would the nation\u2019s cultural cohesion be a consideration in deciding who gets in and how many.<\/span><\/p>\n

1967\u00a0The \u201cpoint system\u201d was introduced. As T. Triadafilopolous of the University of Toronto put it, \u201cThrough the points system, Canada would select immigrants according to a set of universal criteria, including educational credentials, language competency in English and\/or French, and labour market potential. Applicants\u2019 ethnic and racial backgrounds were no longer to be considered in determining their eligibility for admission to Canada. The result of this change \u2026was precisely what (Prime Minister Mackenzie) King tried to avoid: the diversification of immigration and consequent transformation of Canada\u2019s demographic structure. Whereas immigrants from \u2018non-traditional\u2019 source regions \u2026comprised only a small fraction of Canada\u2019s total immigration intake from 1946 to 1966, by 1977 they made up over 50% of annual flows. Changes in immigration policy shattered the foundations of \u2018white Canada\u2019 and created the conditions for Canada\u2019s development into one of the most culturally diverse countries in the world. (from \u201cDismantling White Canada: Race, Rights and the Origins of the Point System\u201d)<\/span><\/p>\n

1967\u00a0The Immigration Department was ordered to no longer list immigrants by ethnic origin but rather by \u201ccountry of last residence\u201d. This allowed the government to conceal the fact that many third world immigrants had traveled to Canada via traditional source countries like the UK.<\/span><\/p>\n

1971\u00a0Multiculturalism is declared official state policy. Henceforth, Canada was no longer to be perceived as consisting of our two founding cultures, English and French, but as mosaic of equivalent ethnic fragments. Canada was to become the helpless victim of a social engineering project whose sweeping scope was yet to be comprehended.<\/span><\/p>\n

1974\u00a0Biologist Jack R. Vallentyne of the Fisheries and Marine Service called for a national population policy. His call was ignored. Vallentyne, a former professor at Cornell University, was made leader of the Eutrophication (pollution) Section of the Freshwater Institute in Winnipeg. It was in that capacity that Vallentyne became alarmed at the extent to which overpopulation and over-development was promoting eutrophication of our water resources.<\/span><\/p>\n

1976\u00a0The Science Council of Canada released its report number 25, \u201cPopulation, Technology and Resources\u201d which concluded that perpetual population growth would stress Canada\u2019s limited non-renewable resources. It advocated restricting immigration and stabilizing Canada\u2019s population. Another forgotten report.<\/span><\/p>\n

1976\u00a0Voluminous anecdotal evidence had come to challenge the claim that European interest in emigrating to Canada had diminished, as prospective skilled and educated immigrants from Britain and the Continent with immediate family were being turned away in droves. Immigration officials in 1976 conceded that as many as 60% of British applicants were being rejected while unskilled third world immigrants with poor language skills were welcomed with open arms. The vision of the 1966 White Paper was being fulfilled. The number of immigrants with skills steadily declined while the number who were sponsored as relatives increased from 34% in 1966 to 47% by 1973.<\/span><\/p>\n

1976\u00a0Canada\u2019s first separatist party, the Parti Quebecois, was elected. By this action, Quebec Francophone voters indicated that they were not prepared, as English Canadians were apparently were, to see their unique culture dismembered by a multicultural globalist agenda. Quebecers were not willing to go down with the English Canadian ship.<\/span><\/p>\n

1980\u00a0English Canada got its second wake-up call when Quebec held its first referendum on separation. After it was defeated, English Canada went back to sleep, and the global \u201cout-reach\u201d to non-traditional sources of immigration continued with Official Multiculturalism still in place.<\/span><\/p>\n

1980-1983\u00a0In response to a recession, the government of Pierre Elliot Trudeau cut immigration levels from 143,000 to 89,000. It was the only time in recent decades that a federal administration reduced immigration quotas in deference to tougher economic times and the need to defend jobless Canadians. Thereafter, immigration policy would be the prisoner of political imperatives, most specifically ethnic vote-seeking.<\/span><\/p>\n

1982\u00a0The \u201cCharter of Rights and Freedoms\u201d\u2014forming part of the Constitution Act\u2014was signed into law. It relegated Parliament to a secondary role\u2014and through it diminished the ability of a majority of the population to influence the direction of the country. It allowed the courts to strike down provincial and federal statutes to satisfy individual rights. Consequently, as writer Frank Hilliard observed, it achieved Pierre Trudeau\u2019s goal of altering our British Parliamentary system and replacing it with a model that divided society into ethnic communities, each with its own cultural norms. It is noteworthy that the Charter\u2019s Section 27 requires the Charter to be interpreted in a \u2018multicultural context\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

1986\u00a0Employment Equity Act\u2014allowed a staggering number of recently-arrived immigrants to leap-frog over resident Canadians to secure jobs in the federal public sector. The Act became a template for similar legislation in other provinces which also affected the private sector.<\/span><\/p>\n

1986-89\u00a0The Health and Welfare department of the federal government completed a report \u201cCharting Canada\u2019s Future\u201d which concluded that Immigration has only a short-term effect on Canada\u2019s age structure. Moreover, increases in immigration to as high as 600,000 per year would have, in the long-term, no impact on the age structure. Even changing the age structure of immigrants from 23% below age 15 in 1988 to 30% below 18 and then 50% below 15 would have little long-term impact on Canada\u2019s overall age structure. That message continues to be ignored to this day.<\/span><\/p>\n

1988\u00a0The Multiculturalism Act\u2014institutionalized the policy of multiculturalism begun by Pierre Trudeau.<\/span><\/p>\n

1988\u00a0Breaking with Trudeau\u2019s belief that Canadians should not apologize to ethnic lobbies for alleged past injustices, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney apologized and compensated the Japanese-Canadian community for the federal government\u2019s internment of Japanese-Canadians during the Second World War. The apology began an era of grovelling which can be seen for what it was, not a sincere desire for redress, but a naked grasp for the ethnic vote.<\/span><\/p>\n

1991\u00a0The Intelligence Advisory Committee, with input from Environment Canada, the Defence Department and External Affairs produced a confidential document for the Privy Council entitled \u201cThe Environment: Marriage Between Earth and Mankind\u201d. The report stated that \u201cAlthough Canada\u2019s population is not large in world terms, its concentration in various areas has already put stress upon regional environments in many ways.\u201d It added that \u201cCanada can expect to have increasing numbers of environmental refugees requesting immigration to Canada, while regional movements of the population at home, as from idle fishing areas, will add further to population stresses within the country.\u201d The document was apparently buried.<\/span><\/p>\n

1991\u00a0The Economic Council of Canada, in a research report (\u201cThe Economic and Social Impacts of Immigration\u201d), concluded that immigration has been of no significant benefit to the economy. Once again, it was a message that is still forgotten.<\/span><\/p>\n

1991\u00a0Immigration Minister Barbara McDougall of the Progressive Conservative government of Brian Mulroney launched the policy of mass immigration, which greatly increased immigration levels to 250,000 per year. Like the Liberals\u2019 White Paper policy of 1966, which was engineered by Tom Kent to defeat \u201cTory Toronto\u201d by recruiting immigrants from \u2018non-traditional\u2019 sources, the McDougall policy was designed as a political stratagem to woo ethnic voters away from the Liberals by earning their gratitude. Mass immigration then must be seen as primarily a political weapon to defeat rival political parties rather than a policy that confers a legitimate economic or demographic benefit to Canada.<\/span><\/p>\n

1994\u00a0July 6 Canada\u2019s state broadcaster, CBC\/Radio-Canada, with Policy 1.1.4, declares that its mandate requires that its programming should \u201creflect the multicultural and multiracial nature of Canada\u201d. \u201cIn fact\u201d, the CBC continued, \u201cby the reasons of the ethnic diversity of the audience, the Corporation has long practiced a policy of cultural pluralism in its programming, and intends to continue to reflect the multicultural richness and multiracial characteristics of Canadian society in keeping with the Corporation\u2019s obligation to \u2018contribute to shared national consciousness and identity\u2019. Schedule planners and programs staff are expected to demonstrate continuing awareness of and sensitivity to this aspect of CBC\/Radio-Canada role.\u201d In so doing, the CBC in effect became the voice of immigrant ethno-cultural lobbies and power blocs, while the views of the full cross-section of mainstream Canadian society were largely excluded.<\/span><\/p>\n

1995\u00a0A second referendum on separation was held in Quebec. It was defeated by the narrowest of margins, 0.8%. Many would argue that the 1995 referendum was hijacked by the federal government, which poured in a ton of money in publicity largely exceeding the amount authorized by the referendum laws. The Gomery commission subsequently found many key Liberal figures guilty of fraud. In addition, for good measure, the federal government fast-tracked the citizenship process for all new immigrants in Quebec in the months leading up to the referendum . This action was timely, as it allowed these immigrants to vote and tip the scales to victory for the \u201cNo\u201d side.<\/span><\/p>\n

Premier Jacques Parizeau accurately blamed the loss on the ethnic vote, which had grown with mass immigration. Failing to see that their own society was being undermined by the very same forces that were undermining Quebec, English Canadians rejoiced. However, the result clearly illustrated that since 1980, an increasing proportion of the Francophone population were opposed to the multicultural makeover of their society.<\/span><\/p>\n

1997\u00a0The $2.4 million federally commissioned Fraser Basin Ecosystem Study, led by Dr. Michael Healey of UBC, was released. It stated that BC\u2019s Fraser Basin was overpopulated by a factor of three. Healey later urged all levels of government to develop a Population Plan for the country. The study was ignored by the government that funded it.<\/span><\/p>\n

2001\u00a0The Population Institute of Canada made a presentation to the House of Commons Committee on Immigration which recommended that the government develop a Population Plan for Canada, as called for by Dr. Michael Healey. The presentation fell on deaf ears.<\/span><\/p>\n

2005\u00a0Ontario\u2019s Environment Commissioner, Gordon Miller, released a report that challenged the provincial government\u2019s plans to accommodate an additional 4.4 to 6 million people for Ontario over the next 25 years. In introducing this annual report, Miller issued strong cautions. \u201cOne of the troubling aspects of the improved planning system is that it is still based on the assumption of continuous, rapid population growth. Government forecasts project that over the next 25 years, Ontario\u2019s population will increase from just over 12 million to 16.4 million or perhaps as high as 18 million. Three quarters of these people are expected to settle in the urban area around Toronto and in the Greenbelt lands. Even with higher development densities, this is a vast number of people settling in an already stressed landscape. \u201d He added that the area did not have the water resources to support the population increase, nor the ability to handle sewage created by the increase. Miller was vilified for his comments.<\/span><\/p>\n

2006\u00a0Following Mulroney\u2019s precedent of apologizing and compensating Japanese-Canadians for the wartime actions of Mackenzie King\u2019s government, Prime Minister Harper compensated Chinese-Canadians for federal laws that were enacted before the First World War to protect Canadian jobs from the importation of cheap Chinese labour. The compensation came with a profuse apology.<\/span><\/p>\n

2006\u00a0The C.D. Howe Institute reported that immigration levels would have to be raised to impossibly stratospheric levels to have any effect in slowing the rate of Canada\u2019s aging population.<\/span><\/p>\n

2013\u00a0Canada\u2019s most famous environmentalist, Dr. David Suzuki, said that Canada was overpopulated and that immigration levels should be reduced. Like Gordon Miller, Suzuki was vilified by everyone except the general public, who evidenced their approval in the comments section of newspapers across the country which carried the story.<\/span><\/p>\n

2013\u00a0Reacting to growing ethnic enclaves and the threat of the emergence of a parallel Islamic society, the Parti Quebecois government introduced a Charter that would re-establish the secular nature of Quebec society, a hard won achievement of the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Recognizing that support for the Charter would represent a clear repudiation of the multicultural agenda, the political class and the English media denounced the proposal.<\/span><\/p>\n

2014\u00a0The fact that the Charter enjoyed the support of a majority of Quebecers\u2014and apparently a majority of Canadians in the rest of Canada\u2013 the media and the political establishment attempted to discredit the Parti Quebecois government by raising the prospect of another referendum on sovereignty. This was (and is) a ploy to shift the focus away from the Charter.<\/span><\/p>\n

2015\u00a0Two months following his electoral victory, the new Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, essentially confirmed that the mission of cultural and ethnic fragmentation conceived five decades before had been accomplished. In fact, it had gone beyond that. Canada was no longer even a multicultural state\u2014or a nation\u2014but something the world had never seen before. \u201cThere is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada\u201d, Trudeau proudly observed, \u201cThere are (just) shared values\u2014openness, respect, compassion, willingness to work hard, to be there for each other, to search for equality and justice. Those qualities are what make us the first post-national state.\u201d A state, in other words, that has been cast adrift, cut from its cultural, ethnic and moral moorings.<\/span><\/p>\n

In reviewing these policies , pronouncements and laws, it is apparent that the promotion of official multiculturalism and quota hiring (\u201cemployment equity\u201d) were conceived to work in tandem with mass immigration, so that immigrants would be made to feel fully integrated and at home with their new country. This great \u201cmulticultural experiment\u201d then, was essentially an immigration project which changed the ethnic profile of the nation and grew the population by 25%. It was an experiment conducted by a political class on ordinary Canadians without the consent of ordinary Canadians. It had no electoral mandate. The result is that most Canadians feel like lab rats living in an environment they no longer recognize. They bear witness to the demolition of a nation.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n
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For Canada\u2019s 150th Anniversary : \u201cThe Demolition Of A Nation, One Step At A Time\u201d \u00a0 \u00a0 By Tim Murray \u00a0 A Giant Toy Rubber Duck: Canada’s Symbol for its 150th Anniversary. The Demolition of a Nation, One Step At A Time (revised) On\u00a0July 1, 2017, Canada will observe 150 years of Confederation. But as […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[755,127,754,23,71],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/982"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=982"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/982\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":983,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/982\/revisions\/983"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=982"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=982"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadafirst.nfshost.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=982"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}