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PM’S recruitment of Barton will please China’s Xi Jinping

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PM’S recruitment of Barton will please China’s Xi Jinping

THE ANTIDOTE FOR TRUMPISM IS NOT LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN BARTON, WHO HAD A HAND IN SO MANY PRO-BEIJING POLICIES

  • National Post – (Latest Edition)
  • 3 Sep 2026
  • TERRY GLAVIN
In a surprise move this week, Prime Minister Mark Carney named Dominic Barton, Canada’s former ambassador to China, as the new board chair of a reconfigured Invest in Canada initiative, which will be hosting a Davos-like summit bringing together “the world’s largest investors, including top CEOS, entrepreneurs, and prominent global business leaders” in Toronto later this month, Terry Glavin writes.

There has been no greater gift to the Liberal party’s powerful pro-beijing comprador caste than U.S. President Donald Trump’s exasperating bellicosity and exhausting trade-relations vandalism. Even after nearly a decade of scandals involving China’s Uyghur slave camps, its “hostage diplomacy,” mass espionage, intellectual property theft, forced corporate co-ventures and clandestine election-interference operations, by this summer the Pew Research Centre found that Canadians had come to view China more favourably than the United States.

You could say the American president can be thanked for that.

In the crude calculus of political advantage, by the time China’s former favourite Justin Trudeau was obliged to walk the plank and resign as prime minister in January last year, a deep reservoir of favourable ratings had become available to any Canadian politician who could be convincingly prescribed as a therapeutic remedy to the pestilence of Trumpism. No matter what your own promiscuous record in Xi Jinping’s corporate circles might be, you can get away with almost anything.

If there is a better explanation for Prime Minister Mark Carney’s choice of Dominic Barton as the Liberals’ spirit guide in their “new world order” project to radically expand foreign direct investment in Canada and pull the country out of the American economic orbit, it is not immediately obvious.

In a surprise move this week, Carney named Barton as the new board chair of a reconfigured Invest in Canada initiative, which will be hosting a Davos-like summit bringing together “the world’s largest investors, including top CEOS, entrepreneurs, and prominent global business leaders” in Toronto later this month. There’s no evidence that any distinction will be drawn between foreign direct investment from democracies and dirty money from torture states.

A key element in the Invest in Canada mandate is to double Canadian exports to non-american markets over the next decade. The project itself was one of the key proposals that arose a decade ago from Barton’s time as chair of Justin Trudeau’s inaugural Advisory Council on Economic Growth, an operation within Bill Morneau’s finance ministry run by Mckinsey and Company, the multinational management consultancy Barton was serving at the time as global managing partner.

Another proposal from Barton’s council that was adopted by the Trudeau government: the catastrophic idea of doubling immigration to 500,000 people annually by 2025. It isn’t entirely clear that the Carney government has abandoned the “demographic deficit” thinking of its predecessors.

Barton came to the inner chambers of the Trudeau government after bringing Mckinsey’s heft to Trudeau’s bid for the Liberal party leadership in 2012. Trudeau’s manifesto proposed that deepening trade relationships with China would “build middle-class wealth in Canada.” As for Beijing’s convention-defying trade practices: “China, for one, sets its own rules and will continue to do so because it can. China has a game plan. There is nothing inherently sinister about that.”

There was no rationale involving Trumpist vulgarity available to the Liberals back then, and as it turned out there’s quite a lot that’s proved to be sinister about Beijing’s own rules. Its “game plan” has involved hollowing out western economies by flooding markets with its subsidized industrial overproduction, financing Vladimir Putin’s war on Ukraine, funding the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps by the purchase of 90 per cent of Iran’s oil via the Khomeinists’ sanctions-evading “ghost fleet” and ensnaring developing countries in its Belt and Road debt traps.

As recently as four years ago, the folly of the Trudeau-barton approach to foreign trade was so obvious that Ottawa had shifted to enthusiastically following U.S. president Joe Biden’s lead by rapidly reducing Canada’s exposure to Chinese economic strong-arming. “What we want is certainly a decoupling: certainly from China,” Industry Minister François-philippe Champagne said at the time.

But by January of this year it was back to the Trudeau-barton approach and to the opposite of decoupling when Prime Minister Carney struck a multi-faceted trade, law enforcement and cultural “strategic partnership” with Beijing, declaring his embrace of China’s “new world order.” It’s not certain that the current American president can be blamed for this. Barton’s Advisory Council on Economic Growth was succeeded by the Liberals’ Leaders’ Task Force on Economic Growth, which Mark Carney took over as chair in 2024, and here we are.

A key element in the Invest in Canada mandate is to double Canadian exports to non-american markets over the next decade.

Barton is best known to most Canadians as the ambassador to China from 2019 to 2021, and for his Mckinsey and Company having unaccountably ended up with more than $200 million in rules-flouting federal contracts after Trudeau came to office in 2015. Barton had been picked as ambassador to replace John Mccallum, the hapless former Liberal cabinet minister and China enthusiast who had to be fired by Chrystia Freeland, who was foreign affairs minister at the time.

Mccallum had more or less taken the side of Huawei chief financial officer Meng Wanzhou during her house detention in Vancouver while the courts deliberated on a U.S. Justice Department sanctions-evasion warrant for her arrest. Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor were held hostage in China for the duration — 1,019 days.

But elsewhere, and especially in the United States, Barton is known for having doubled Mckinsey’s annual earnings to $10 billion during his decade as the firm’s global managing director by means that are an indelicate subject in Liberal circles. Mckinsey’s notoriety didn’t come just from its lucrative habit of providing business services to the legions of kleptocrats and strongmen from the United Nations’ torture-state bloc, which has been growing in number, in power and influence for the past 25 years.

That phenomenon all by itself goes a long way to explain the collapse of the “rules-based international order,” and it preceded Trumpism. The story is set out meticulously by The New York Times investigative reporters Walt Bogdanich and Michael Forsyth in their book When Mckinsey Comes To Town: The Hidden Influence of the World’s Most Powerful Consulting Firm.

During Barton’s years as the firm’s Global Managing Partner from 2009 to 2018, Mckinsey’s consultants had also embedded themselves at the senior levels of almost all of the world’s largest corporations, playing their part in raising the income of a typical CEO from 20 times a worker’s wages to 300 times as much. It’s another story that helps explain the rise of Trumpism, and it’s well told in the Atlantic magazine’s How Mckinsey Destroyed the Middle Class.

During Barton’s time at the top of the company, and during his term as the firm’s Asia chair from 2004 to 2009, while he was based in Shanghai, Mckinsey’s client list came to include 26 of Beijing’s 96 stateowned enterprises — weapons manufacturers, agri-food empires, telecommunications giants, oil companies and steel companies.

Meanwhile, during his years in the executive suite of Brookfield Asset Management from 2020 to 2025, Carney went out of his way to praise Xi Jinping. During his several visits to China, he congratulated the regime for its application of Artificial Intelligence technologies. Brookfield owns millions of square metres of Chinese real estate and holds sensitive investments in Chinese stateowned enterprises.

Back in 2025, during the federal election campaign, Charles Burton, the eminent China scholar and senior fellow with the China-focused think-tank Sinopsis, based in Prague, raised an interesting point. “I’m really wondering whether, if Carney becomes the prime minister, it’ll be like if Dominic Barton became the prime minister,” Burton told me. “I worry that ultimately, Carney’s plan is to out-barton Dominic Barton.”

Article Name:PM’S recruitment of Barton will please China’s Xi Jinping

Publication:National Post – (Latest Edition)

Section:FRONT PAGE

Author:TERRY GLAVIN

Start Page:A1

End Page:A1

Canadian Courts Discriminate Against White Offenders but Coddle Blacks & Native Indians

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Courts considering ‘racial battle fatigue’ in sentencing

  • National Post – (Latest Edition)
  • 22 Aug 2026
  • JAMIE SARKONAK
Nova Scotia is one of the few provinces in which it is legally required for judges to contemplate racial sentence discounts for Black offenders. The province’s top judges decided this in 2021, and it will remain the law until the federal government decides on a more egalitarian system, Jamie Sarkonak writes.

Just a few weeks ago, a Halifax man named Shondre Jarvis was sentenced to three years’ jail for nearly killing a fellow African Nova Scotian. It happened at a house party in 2024, where adults and children alike had gathered to continue the celebration of their historically Black neighbourhood’s annual festival.

The men had gotten into an argument, and later when the victim went to leave, Jarvis, who was intoxicated at the time, ran at the victim from behind with a knife and stabbed him six times, inflicting life-threatening injuries. Jarvis was disarmed by Good Samaritan partygoers, after which he fled and hid in the bush. A police dog sniffed him out. The charge was attempted murder, but he pleaded to aggravated assault.

What’s perhaps more mystifying than Jarvis’ senseless act of violence was the excuse that Nova Scotia’s professional racism experts later offered for it: racial battle fatigue.

Nova Scotia is one of the few provinces in which it is legally required for judges to contemplate racial sentence discounts for Black offenders. The province’s top judges decided this back in 2021, and it will remain the law until the federal government decides on a more egalitarian system.

The mechanics of racial sentencing in this manner involve the federal and provincial governments paying supposed racism experts to interview offenders and assemble “Impact of Race and Culture Assessments,” (IRCAS), which chronicle an individual’s subjective experience of racism as well as their community’s and family’s history of experiencing racism. These reports also tend to frame general disadvantage as systemic or structural racism. The dozens of these reports that are completed in Nova Scotia every year cost the public $7,000 each, according to federal documents obtained by the Post. Not all IRCAS result in a racial discount, but they do bring the fairness of sentencing into question by allowing for lighter sentencing based on race.

In Jarvis’ case, the court had ordered that an IRCA be produced to assist the judge in crafting a fair sentence. The ensuing report painted a picture of a man who had a lot going for him. He was brought up in a loving, supportive home; as a young adult, he had stable employment and a strong work ethic. In his community of Beechville, he had a strong sense of belonging.

The report, however, said that Beechville was subject to “systemic neglect, manifesting through underinvestment, exclusionary planning, and institutional indifference.” It also said that Jarvis had seen the N-word written on walls in high school, that he’d had “White power” yelled at him before, and that undercover police had asked if he sold drugs.

These experiences, wrote the assessor, can cause “racialized battle fatigue and racialized hypervigilance.”

“In applied forensic terms, these concepts help explain how chronic exposure to racialized suspicion and hostility can increase guardedness, mistrust, rapid threat appraisal, and defensive anticipation over time,” went the report. “They do not justify violence; however, they are part of the cumulative stress context which Shondre Jarvis was affected.”

Indeed, “racial battle fatigue” and “cumulative racialized stress” were two factors that brought about the stabbing, according to the IRCA report.

And there was the absurdity in the case. This was a near-murder, waged by one Black man against another, at a celebration of their community … and somehow, racism was to blame. That seems to be the grand theory behind most of these IRCAS: if you zoom out enough, you can blame an offender’s behaviour on abstract causes like colonialism and racism if he falls into a demographic that allows for it.

Not all IRCAS result in a racial discount, but they do bring the fairness of sentencing into question.

The judge, in this case, didn’t buy the racial battle fatigue excuse, and seemed puzzled that the IRCA report writer sidestepped the fact that both victim and assailant were African Nova Scotian.

This is not the first time a Nova Scotian court has heard about racial battle fatigue. It was also woven into a different IRCA report for a Black offender named Makayle Skinner back in February.

Skinner was convicted of manslaughter for killing

Treyvhon Bradshaw, also a Black man, in 2022 outside a Halifax nightclub. The facts agreed upon in court indicated a case of self-defence: Bradshaw had threatened to shoot Skinner and then went and grabbed a gun from his car. Skinner, who had been a gunshot victim on three separate occasions, predicted an ambush and took a position off to the side of the nightclub entrance, from which point he saw Bradshaw walking back in a crouched stance toward a group of people standing near the door. When Skinner saw Bradshaw’s gun, he fired.

The ensuing IRCA report notes that “Racial battle fatigue further contextualizes Makayle Skinner’s response” — once again blaming an act of violence between two Black men on the unpinpointable force of racism that supposedly saturates Canadian society.

Outside the criminal context, racial battle fatigue has also been advanced in the case of an Indigenous academic who accused the University of Regina of racism in the course of a labour dispute.

It was also raised by University of Ottawa law professor Rakhi Ruparelia in a 2014 paper in which she claimed to suffer from “racial battle fatigue” after teaching a course on social justice. By her own account, she took an emotional, personally probing approach to teaching about racism. At one point, a white student came to her in tears over how the course made her feel. Ruparelia told the student to examine her privilege and warned her that if she wants to work with non-white clients in the future, she needed to “constantly … reflect on (her) role as a white woman working with these communities.”

“I think perhaps this course made you uncomfortable, which you have framed as guilt, because it forced you to consider your privilege as a white woman . … If you are not willing to do this work, you really have no business working with (racialized) communities,” Ruparelia told the student.

The conversation was “physically and emotionally” draining to Ruparelia, hence her “battle fatigue.” In teaching on these topics in general, she interpreted the hostility of “resistant (even if well-intentioned) white students” as “racial microaggressions” which could be exhausting and harmful to her, seemingly oblivious to her own role in perpetuating classroom toxicity.

The original source of racial battle fatigue theory is University of Utah professor William Smith, who has published on the topic numerous times since 2003. It tries to dredge up an excuse to offset individual responsibility from a sea of past unconnected negative experiences, and it finds an audience among those who already believe in the social justice pantheon.

By that same logic, every woman charged with a crime ever should be able to blame “sexism battle fatigue”; everyone who has suffered another’s cruel words should be able to claim “bullying battle fatigue” and so on.

A person’s history of bullying should be relevant to a court if the crime had something to do with retaliating against a bully. In a similar vein, a person’s experience of racism should be considered if their charges had to do with, say, responding to racial aggression.

But to give everyone of a particular background the ludicrous pretence of “racial battle fatigue” to defend bad behaviour is to corrupt the system

War on White Males Funded by Our Tax Money

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War on White Males Funded by Our Tax Money
This is TREASON to Canada’s European founding/settler people. It’s rank anti-White, especially anti-White male, discrimination. Through taxes, you’re forced to fund your own replacement.

Notice whom the government subsidizes or in bureacratees equity-deserving groups” – women, the disabled,indigenous people, the LGBTQ crowd and newcomers (Third World invaders).Make it hard for White men to get a job. That will keep them from marrying and having children.

Pierre Didn’t Need to Say Yes to Mass Immigration. He Just Needed a Riding Map

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Pierre Didn’t Need to Say Yes to Mass Immigration. He Just Needed a Riding Map.

The Conservative leader’s defenders say the CPC never endorsed high inflows. The record is more awkward: Amritsar flights, foreign-nurse licensing tours, a 2022 “pro-immigration” radio pitch

Michael Bator

Aug 28, 2026


The Conservative leader’s defenders say the CPC never endorsed high inflows. The record is more awkward: Amritsar flights, foreign-nurse licensing tours, a 2022 “pro-immigration” radio pitch — then a hard turn once the polls turned. Harmony’s (CPC trolling me for years) defence of Pierre Poilievre is simple. The Conservative Party of Canada does not say yes to mass immigration. Maxime Bernier is unelectable. Michael Bator is spreading misinformation. Vote Pierre. That last instruction may still be how a lot of Canadians vote. It is not an answer to the charge. Bernier’s point was never that Poilievre published a manifesto titled Yes to Mass Immigration. It was that the Conservative leader changes with the wind: one script for Punjabi radio and festival season, another for the housing-and-wages audience once public opinion soured.

You can test that without mind-reading. You only need the clips, the petitions, and the dates. The Amritsar campaign was not a slip. It was the product. In April 2023, Poilievre stood in Brampton in a room holding banners that read “Direct Flights to Amritsar Now” and “Open the Skies to Amritsar.” This was not a stray remark on the way out the door. It was a launch. “Punjabi Canadians have been calling on the federal government to deliver direct flights between Amritsar and Canada,” he said. “But even after years of activism from the Punjabi community, the Liberal government has failed to fight gatekeepers and open the skies to Amritsar.”
Hindustan Times, April 2023Then the line that tells you who the policy was for: “I, along with my deputy leader Tim Uppal, shadow minister Jasraj Singh Hallan and a group of other conservatives, are launching a full campaign to get the direct flight from Canada to Punjab, especially Amritsar, so that over a million Canadians who have their origins in that part of the world can fly directly from our country to that beautiful place.”

Same Hindustan Times report He repeated the pitch to Indo-Canadian media the same week: Canada has the largest Punjabi diaspora in the world; London and Milan already have the route; seniors and families should not have to land in Delhi and drive. He said he had met the Indian High Commissioner, written the transport minister, and sat down with Air Canada and Air India.

Indo-Canadian Voice A week later he was at the Surrey Vaisakhi parade, thanking volunteers who “helped rally support… for a direct flight to Amritsar” and pointing people to the party petition.

Poilievre on X, April 23, 2023 That petition lived at conservative.ca/amritsar.This did not age out after one news cycle. In April 2025, on RED FM, he was still selling Toronto and Vancouver to Amritsar and blaming Liberals for failing to land a single direct flight after a decade. Singapore, Malaysia, the UAE, the UK, Italy — they had the route. Canada did not.

YouTube: “Pierre Poilievre Talks Donald Trump, Liberals, Income Tax Cuts and Direct Flights to Amritsar,” RED FM CANADA

A flight is not an immigration quota. Pretending otherwise is sloppy. Pretending this was just “cutting red tape for travellers” is sloppier. You do not build a named campaign, parade presence, petition URL, and years of Punjabi-media hits around a route to one city in one Indian state unless you are courting one electorate in Brampton, Surrey, Calgary, and the suburban ridings Conservatives cannot win without.

If the defence is “Canada First,” the question writes itself. Why that city, that community, that banner, that petition? “Bring home the nurses” was the other half of the circuit. The second exhibit is the Blue Seal. In March 2023 the party put it on paper. Foreign-trained doctors and nurses already in Canada were being blocked by “gatekeepers.” The numbers cited: 34,105 foreign-trained nurses and 18,900 foreign-trained doctors not working in their profession. Only 37 percent of foreign-credentialed nurses were working as nurses. The fix was a national competency test, an answer in 60 days, and a certificate that would travel across provinces that signed on. Poilievre’s own language went further than “process the paperwork.”“I will put an end to this bureaucratic madness and bring home our doctors and nurses to help fix our broken healthcare system. My plan will ensure foreign-trained healthcare workers can easily work in Canada.”

Conservative Party: “Remove Gatekeepers to Bring Home Doctors & Nurses”And: “The Blue Seal will mean that it won’t matter where someone comes from, it matters what they can do.”

Same page Then he took it on the community circuit.Winnipeg, Filipino community, June 2023: “There are 20,000 immigrant doctors & 32,000 immigrant nurses blocked from serving patients… so immigrant professionals can get tested and get to work within 60 days.”

Poilievre on X, June 2, 2023January 2024 video: “Maria is one of Canada’s 32,000 foreign-trained nurses blocked from working here. Let them take a test, prove they’re qualified & get to work.”

Poilievre on X, January 27, 2024Taste of Manila, August 2024: “Everyone is excited about removing gatekeepers to allow Filipino nurses to write a Blue Seal exam and get licensed to treat patients & reduce wait times.”

Poilievre on X, August 19, 2024Tamil community event, April 2024: Blue Seal for doctors, engineers, and nurses.

Poilievre on X, April 29, 2024Be precise, because the other side will be. Blue Seal is mainly about licensing people already here, not a new federal nurse-import quota.

That distinction matters. What also matters is the sales channel. The same leader who later talks about overwhelmed hospitals sold faster entry of foreign-trained clinicians to the exact diasporas whose votes the party has spent a decade chasing. “Cut the red tape” is popular in a waiting room and popular in a banquet hall. That is the point.The cleanest receipt is the flipIf Amritsar is the ethnic-vote file, the immigration-volume file is the weather vane.

November 2022. Exclusive interview with Harjit Singh Gill on Shere Punjab Radio. The title of the upload is not subtle: “Conservative party is pro-immigration.”Poilievre said it out loud. He also used a working example: a Punjabi restaurant that had been open four years and still could not serve customers because Ottawa would not process the cook. Bring in the cooks, he said, and the business could hire Canadian waitresses, receptionists, janitorial staff. Process economic immigration quickly. Speed foreign-credential recognition. Welcome everyone who wants to work hard.“The conservative party is pro-immigration and we want to be the party that welcomes everyone who wants to work hard and achieve their dreams.”

YouTube: Sherepunjab Radio, November 8, 2022CBC captured the same period. Poilievre told Punjabi radio the party was pro-immigration. At an ethnic-media roundtable he talked about expanding Express Entry, making it easier for temporary foreign workers to become permanent residents, and improving parent sponsorship.

CBC: “Pierre Poilievre thinks he can win over new Canadians,” December 2022That was the offer when the coalition still needed to be built and the housing revolt had not yet swallowed the issue.Watch the product change once the country did.January 2024: tie the number of people invited to the number of homes built.

CIC News summary of the Winnipeg press conferenceAugust 29, 2024: “We have to have a smaller population growth.” Curb the Temporary Foreign Worker Program and the international student pipeline. Do not grow the population at three times the housing stock.

CBC: “Poilievre says he would cut population growth,” August 29, 2024By 2025 the line was “too many, too fast.” End the fraud in the student and TFW programs. Get back to something closer to the old system. Later still: scrap new TFW visas except agriculture, cap population growth below housing, jobs, and health-care capacity, Harper-era permanent levels, a “mathematical formula.”
CIC News, January 2025
VisaVerge, September 2025
La Converse, 2026 election guide

He can hold both thoughts in one speech now — welcome the ones who contribute, license the doctors and nurses, and cap the numbers — because that is what a professional opposition does after the median voter moves.

Global News transcript of his convention speechThat is allowed in politics. It is not evidence of a man who does the unpopular thing because it is right. It is evidence of a man who found the popular thing twice: first among the communities he needed to peel off the Liberals, then among the voters who decided the last decade of inflows had broken housing, wages, and hospitals.

Same leader. Different room. Different script. What the defence actually requires you to believe. To keep Harmony’s version intact, you have to believe several things at once. You have to believe a multi-year Amritsar campaign, complete with parade troops and a party URL, is just aviation policy. You have to believe years of Filipino, Tamil, and Punjabi photo-ops around foreign-trained nurses are just health-care reform that happened to be filmed in banquet halls. You have to believe “the Conservative party is pro-immigration,” plus faster cooks from abroad, plus TFW-to-PR, was a temporary misunderstanding.

You have to believe the later “too many, too fast” turn was always the plan, merely waiting for the correct week to be announced.Or you can believe the ordinary thing: Pierre Poilievre is very good at finding the vote. In 2022 the vote he needed lived in ethnic media and suburban temples and festivals. By 2024 the vote he needed lived in the comments under every rental listing in Toronto and Vancouver. He served both.That is not a secret Liberal talking point. It is how you win a Canadian election if you are a Conservative who watched 2015 and decided the party would never again be caricatured as hostile to new Canadians — until hostility to the volume became the majority position, at which point the volume became the scandal.Bernier’s insult was that this is poll-chasing.

The generous version is coalition management. The operational version is the same: do not pick a fight that costs a seat you can keep with a banner.The question that survives the talking pointsNone of this proves Poilievre wants “open borders.” He does not run on that, and he has spent the last two years running against it. None of it proves every foreign-trained nurse should stay unlicensed while emergency rooms buckle. Canadians can want faster credentialling and lower inflows. Those are not opposites.

The question is narrower, and it is the one Harmony ducked.If the Conservative Party does not say yes to mass immigration, why did its leader spend the building years saying yes to the politics that produced it — faster foreign labour, faster family and community traffic to Punjab, faster professional entry sold community by community — and only discover the brake once the country was already screaming about rent?

A leader who does what is right whether or not it is popular would have told the 2022 radio audience the thing he tells rallies now: the pipeline was too wide, the colleges were a racket, the TFW program was eating entry-level jobs, and a direct flight is not a substitute for an integration policy.

He did not. He told that room what that room wanted. He told the next room what the next room wanted. That is not backbone. That is a weather vane with a petition link.

If you want the CPC line, Harmony already wrote it. If you want the file, it is all still online. Start with the Brampton banners, the Vaisakhi post, the Shere Punjab interview, and the party page that promised to bring the nurses home. Then read the 2024–26 speeches and ask what changed besides the polls.


Source listAmritsar flights

Nurses, credentials, “cut red tape”

The 2022 “pro-immigration” record

The later turn

WHY DOES AN $81,000 GOVERNMENT JOB ASK YOUR IDENTITY FIRST?

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WHY DOES AN $81,000 GOVERNMENT JOB ASK YOUR IDENTITY FIRST?

“We will consider employees who self-declare as being a Black person, a racialized person, a person living with a disability, a First Nation, an Inuit, a Métis or a member of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community for this opportunity before others.”

Before others.

That is the Public Prosecution Service of Canada, advertising a records job in its Nunavut office at $81,000 a year.

Blacklock’s Reporter found it.

Nobody walked it back.

Spokesperson Alessia Bongiovanni said the Employment Equity Act permits it.

DEI has taken over Canada — Ezra Levant

At Long Last: England Fights Bac

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At Long Last: England Fights Back

While Westminster condemns them as thugs, the men who blockaded Dover and Portsmouth achieved more in one weekend than fifteen years of failed border policy.

It has been an agonisingly long wait, but the English lion-heart has finally woken from its slumber. In the face of at least a decade’s worth of broken Uniparty promises to reduce legal and illegal immigration, a “Dad’s Army” of the white working class has mobilised to do what the authorities patently refuse to: to patrol the south coast of England, and to prevent illegal migrants from entering the country full stop. The Frank Report predicted this exact eventuality only last week, noting the utter contempt shown to our national flag and the English heritage with which it is imbued. As I wrote then:

“The time has passed for short measures on illegal immigration. Deal with the small boats now, or the public will do it for you – establishing our own ‘Border Force’ if necessary.”

On Saturday, just such a prediction came to pass. The venue, with a defensive nod to history, was a stone’s throw from the White Cliffs of Dover. In the early hours of the morning, hundreds of balaclava-clad men showed up in a clearly well-organised show of strength. An unprepared police force looked on but decided not to intervene – likely due to the fact that they were considerably outnumbered. The group, understood to be Patriot Platform (an anti-immigration group founded in June of last year in response to government inaction and migrant criminal activity), brought the streets and the port to a standstill alongside peaceful shouts of ‘Whose streets? Our streets!’ and asphalt-chalked messages such as ‘Blood is on your hands’ and ‘Are you listening now?’ The group dispersed just after midday, entirely without incident.

Visegrád 24@visegrad24Young masked men dressed all in black suddenly emerged from trucks in the Port of Dover yesterday to block illegal migrants from being disembarked on British soil by the authorities 3:28 PM · Sep 6, 2026 · 145K Views102 Replies · 398 Reposts · 3.45K Likes

While Saturday’s event was clearly a dry-run, on Sunday the stakes rose significantly. For the first time, a ‘small boat’ with 140 illegals on-board attempted to make its way to the Royal Navy’s home of Portsmouth – an unusual deviation from the much shorter route to Dover. Patriot Platform sounded the alarm, and was matched roughly three-to-one by members of the public, who turned up in response to social media livestreams.

This particular migrant operation was clearly well-orchestrated and organised in advance; tents had already been erected, packed with migrant supplies (food, new clothes, and pyjamas). Several coaches were also idling at Eastney Landing, ready to transport the arrivals out of Hampshire for routine processing:

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It’s Our Replacement

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A Beggar in Hamilton

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I was at the No Frills on Upper James when I saw a woman, who appeared to be of Indian background, sitting outside with a sign asking for money to help pay her rent.

( Before I continue, she had a heavy Indian accent, which leads me to believe this was not her country of birth )

My first reaction was that newcomers already have access to various settlement programs and forms of government support. But then I started thinking about the bigger picture. What if the enormous population growth Canada has allowed is now beginning to hurt the very newcomers it was supposed to help?

When housing supply doesn’t keep pace with population growth, rents rise. When more people are competing for entry-level jobs, employment becomes harder to find. When food, transportation and basic necessities become more expensive, everybody at the lower end of the income scale gets squeezed, whether they were born here or arrived last year.

And that brings me to the larger problem.

Ontario Works caseloads are climbing. Food-bank use across Canada has essentially doubled since 2019. Ontario food-bank visits have increased by more than 120%. Here in Hamilton, food-bank use has risen dramatically, homelessness remains extremely high, and encampments have become a far more visible part of everyday life.

Canadians are struggling to pay rent, buy groceries, find affordable housing and secure decent-paying jobs.

My own daughter attended Mohawk College and estimated that 80 to 90% of one of her classes was made up of students of Indian background. I’m not blaming those students for applying. I’m questioning how Canada’s immigration and college systems were allowed to become so heavily dependent on enormous numbers of international students, especially when international students pay colleges several times what Canadian students do.

And I’m not just talking about international students. I’m talking about the total number of permanent immigrants, temporary workers, international students, refugees and asylum seekers entering Canada.

Immigration obviously didn’t cause every homeless person, every food-bank visit or every Ontario Works case.

But the question is still completely legitimate:

If welfare caseloads are increasing, food banks are breaking records, homelessness is rising, housing is unaffordable, healthcare is overwhelmed and Canadians are already struggling, why is the government continually increasing the population faster than Canada could build the housing, infrastructure and services needed to support it?

Immigration should benefit Canada, and it should also give newcomers a genuine chance to succeed once they arrive.

The number of people entering this country should be based on how many people Canada can realistically house, employ and support.

Build the capacity first.

Then set the immigration numbers.

Because bringing people into an affordability crisis and expecting both Canadians and newcomers to somehow absorb the consequences isn’t compassionate or intelligent policy.

At some point, we have to acknowledge that this is a real issue and one that can no longer be brushed aside.

I would imagine that many people who dismiss these concerns are simply fortunate enough not to be feeling the effects personally. But when someone is financially secure, comfortable and largely insulated from the consequences, it becomes very easy to tell everyone else that there is no problem. In my opinion, there is something deeply self-absorbed about that.

Canada cannot keep expanding its population while housing, healthcare, employment opportunities, social assistance and food-bank systems are already under this much pressure.

In my opinion, Canada needs to temporarily close, or at the very least drastically restrict, new admissions until we get these problems under control and build the capacity to properly support the people who are already here, both Canadian-born and newcomers alike.

That isn’t about hostility toward immigrants. It’s about recognizing that no system can absorb unlimited pressure without eventually failing the very people it is supposed to serve.

What are your thoughts? Do you think Canada should significantly reduce immigration until housing, healthcare, employment and affordability catch up? – Kristopher Hunter, Hamilton

What’s your opinions ?

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Cheating White Scholars Out of Jobs & Sinking the Standards

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‘Inclus­ive’ hir­ing hampers research: report

‘Diversity … can lower per­form­ance’

Mcgill Uni­versity’s most recent equity quotas require the school to hire 34 “racial­ized” Canada Research Chairs, five Indi­gen­ous Canada Research Chairs and 10 “per­sons with dis­ab­il­it­ies.”
National Post - (Latest Edition)

TRISTIN HOPPER

2 Sep 2026

Cana­dian man­dates on race-based hir­ing quotas in aca­demia have done meas­ur­able dam­age to the coun­try’s research pro­ductiv­ity, accord­ing to a new report by the Mac­don­ald-laur­ier Insti­tute.

Ever since 2017, Cana­dian uni­versit­ies have been sub­ject to strict iden­tity-based hir­ing quotas as a con­di­tion of receiv­ing fed­eral research fund­ing.

In recent years, this has res­ul­ted in a reg­u­lar stream of aca­demic job post­ings that are expli­citly barred to straight, white men. New­found­land’s Memorial Uni­versity, for instance, advert­ised a tranche of five new jobs in April that were open only to “women; 2SLGBTQIA+ people; Indi­gen­ous peoples; racial­ized per­sons; and per­sons with dis­ab­il­it­ies.”

And accord­ing to a 54-page report pub­lished Tues­day, all of this iden­tity-based hir­ing has yiel­ded a not­able drop off in the amount of Cana­dian research being pub­lished or cited by other schol­ars.

“Our ana­lysis … con­firms that diversity is not merely neut­ral but can lower per­form­ance,” reads the con­clu­sion of The Equity-excel­lence Tradeoff report.

It added, “all told, end­ing EDI (equity, diversity and inclu­sion) ini­ti­at­ives in Cana­dian research should be a top pri­or­ity for any respons­ible gov­ern­ment.”

The report zer­oed in on the $311-mil­lion per year Canada Research Chair pro­gram, the fed­eral research fund with the most overt stric­tures on iden­tity-based hir­ing.

The pro­gram funds 2,285 uni­versity-based Canada Research Chairs whose salary and office expenses are covered entirely by fed­eral grant money. For a Tier 1 Canada Research Chair, for instance, schools receive $200,000 a year. For Tier 2, it’s $100,000 per year.

In return, schools must sub­mit to fed­er­ally set quotas on the race, gender and sexual char­ac­ter­ist­ics of the research­ers they’re allowed to hire.

Accord­ing to the most recent “equity tar­gets” pub­lished by the Gov­ern­ment of Canada, Canada Research Chairs must be 22 per cent “racial­ized,” 4.9 per cent “Indi­gen­ous” and 50.9 per cent “women and gender equity-seek­ing groups.”

These tar­gets take the form of reg­u­larly updated tables in which indi­vidual uni­versit­ies are told the pre­cise num­ber of Canada Research Chairs they’re required to hire in one of four “equity-deserving” groups.

Mcgill Uni­versity’s most recent equity quotas, for instance, require the school to hire 34 “racial­ized” Canada

Research Chairs, five Indi­gen­ous Canada Research Chairs and 10 “per­sons with dis­ab­il­it­ies.”

The Canada Research Chair pro­gram began in 2000, but its iden­tity man­dates star­ted only in 2017 under the over­sight of then-prime min­is­ter Justin Trudeau. And in just nine years, the effect has been pre­cip­it­ous.

At the pro­gram’s launch, 80 per cent of Canada Research Chairs were white males. As of 2025, white males com­prised just 25 per cent of the total.

Mac­don­ald-laur­ier Insti­tute ana­lysts ranked the pro­ductiv­ity of Canada Research Chairs both before and after the iden­tity man­dates.

What they determ­ined was that the quant­ity and qual­ity of Canada Research Chair schol­ar­ship had declined from between 10 per cent to 15 per cent, which the report attrib­uted to the “non-mer­it­ori­ous appoint­ment of less qual­i­fied Black, Indi­gen­ous, and female chairs.”

The report cat­egor­ized the per­form­ance of 1,906 Canada Research Chairs by their “h-index,” a stand­ard global meas­ure of a scholar’s pro­ductiv­ity and rel­ev­ance.

An h-index ranks the num­ber of papers in which a researcher is lis­ted as an author, as well as the num­ber of instances in which those papers have been cited by oth­ers, and then arrives at a num­ber that is typ­ic­ally between one and 100.

Cur­rently, Canada’s highest h-index belongs to Mcmas­ter Uni­versity health researcher Gor­don Guyatt. With his name on 1,715 pub­lic­a­tions and 366,582 cita­tions, as of last count, he has an h-index of 290.

In a close second is another Mcmas­ter Uni­versity health researcher, Salim Yusuf, with an h-index of 280.

The Mac­don­ald-laur­ier Insti­tute paper broke down the median h-index for dif­fer­ent races of Canada Research Chairs, and found that the cohorts with the low­est research pro­ductiv­ity are the same cohorts being given pri­or­ity for aca­demic jobs.

The aver­age white or Asian male scholar, for instance, had an h-index of 39. For male schol­ars who were Black or Indi­gen­ous, mean­while, the h-index came to 25.

There was also an h-index gap between women and men gen­er­ally. Male Canada Research Chairs aver­aged an h-index of 38, while female schol­ars aver­aged 28.

From this, the paper con­cluded that the gradual replace­ment of high-achiev­ing cohorts with lower-achiev­ing ones was com­ing at the cost of lower qual­ity research — at least in terms of h-index scores.

“There will be many cases in which female, Black, or Indi­gen­ous schol­ars will not impose a cost, but on aver­age — underan Edid­ispens­a­tion in which race and sex con­sid­er­a­tions can out­weigh schol­arly merit — this will be the case,” it said.

As one example, the paper noted that in instances where a uni­versity took a pos­i­tion pre­vi­ously filled by a white or Asian scholar, and filled it with a Black or Indi­gen­ous hire, that’s likely to entail an “aver­age loss of 3.2 h-index points.”

Greetings to Pastor Robb’s Congress: The Dominion Society, An Up and Coming Immigration Force in Canada

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Greetings to Pastor Robb’s Congress: The Dominion Society, An Up and Coming Immigration Force in Canada
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NPrU99LzTxGWDEWWtVEWQtWVLR0rL3Wg/view