May the lessons Germany finally seems to be learning help guard other nations from the same sad fate, writes Gwyn Morgan. Photo by Sean Gallup/Getty Images/Postmedia files
Germany has long been Europe’s economic engine and its GDP is still third largest in the world, behind the U.S. and China and just ahead of Japan and India. But because of serious economic and social policy failures Germany is now a nation in decline.
Begin with economic policy. Reliable, affordable energy is key to any country’s economic well-being. In 2002, Germany’s 11 nuclear plants generated more than a third of its electricity, with coal and oil supplying the rest. Since then huge investments in solar and offshore wind power have been made with the intention of phasing out fossil fuels. Germany’s long-term plan, driven by an irrational anti-nuclear power campaign by environmental zealots, was to generate enough power from wind and solar to allow the shutdown of all nuclear plants by 2036.
Then came the 2011 nuclear disaster in Fukushima, Japan. Although it was triggered, not by a nuclear accident, but by tidal waves from an offshore earthquake, the unwarranted fear the plant’s destruction aroused accelerated the shutdown of Germany’s safe and reliable nuclear plants.
Within six months, eight of the plants were closed, which left no choice but to import Russian natural gas for power generation. The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline, completed in 2012, in effect replaced secure nuclear power with dependency on a pipeline controlled by Vladimir Putin.
Had Germany kept its nuclear plants, a Price Waterhouse report concluded last year, fully 94 per cent of its power generation would now be emissions-free and the average price of its electricity would be 23 per cent lower.
High energy prices have made German industry less competitive in the face of surging global competition. Chinese automakers such as BYD and NIO have entered European markets with innovative, affordable products, eroding profitability and market share for Volkswagen, Audi, BMW and Mercedes Benz. Production in Germany declined 25 per cent between 2017 and 2023, according to auto industry data.
The socio-political picture is even more dismal. During the 2015 Syrian civil war, large numbers of displaced Muslim asylum-seekers made their arduous way though the Balkans and into Europe. They came in huge, unruly waves, instilling fear in local citizens. Greece, Poland, Hungary and Belarus forcibly prevented entry. Germany was the exception, taking in 76,000 Syrians in July of 2015 and 170,000 in August — after which chancellor Angela Merkel made her famous “wir schaffen das” (we can do it) declaration, further opening the flood gates. By the end of 2015, Germany had taken in 1.2 million Muslim refugees, creating profound social and economic challenges for the country. Even as these became apparent, Germany continued to accept hundreds of thousands of Islamic migrants. In 2023, it accepted 300,000 asylum seekers, 80 per cent of whom were Muslim.
Now Germans are paying a terrible price in the form of Islamic terrorism. Last February, a 24-year-old Muslim man was arrested in Munich after a car-ramming attack that injured 39 people, two very seriously. This and other attacks have forced the government to take action against Islamic extremism. In November, it banned a group called Muslim Interaktiv that had called for Germany to become an Islamic caliphate where “Islamic law should take precedence over German law in regulating life in the Muslim community, including the treatment of women.”
Germany also strengthened controls on mosque funding from countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar that have encouraged radicalization. As Ahmad Mansour, an outspoken critic of Islamic extremism, has said: “Muslim Interaktiv is part of an Islamist network that carry out intimidation campaigns, specifically to indoctrinate young people with Islamist ideology. That indoctrination includes antisemitism.”
The integration of the huge waves of migrants is an enormous challenge. Immigration offices, schools, language instructors, social service providers and employment offices have been overwhelmed. Meanwhile, like other European countries, Germany is committing demographic suicide. The average fertility rate in the European Union is 1.4, well under replacement. Fertility rates for Muslim women, in countries that track groups separately, are up to twice as high.
This is the lamentable story of how eco-ideologically driven energy supply decisions and ruinous immigration policies have brought the economic and social destruction of postwar Europe’s greatest success story. May the lessons Germany finally seems to be learning help guard other nations from the same sad fate.
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Gwyn Morgan, a retired business leader, has been a director of five global corporations.
Syrian refugee Anas Modamani shows a selfie taken with then German chancellor Angela Merkel outside a refugee centre in Berlin in 2015. That year, writes Anthony Koch, Merkel opened the floodgates to more than a million migrants.
For years, conservatives have comforted themselves with the illusion that the destruction of the West was entirely the doing of the left. They have blamed progressive ideologues, globalists, and utopians for the failed experiment of multiculturalism, the open borders that reshaped their nations, and the cultural relativism that hollowed out the moral foundations of their societies. But this is self-deception. The truth is that the so-called right, the respectable suit-and-tie centre-right parties that governed most of the West for the better part of the last half-century, are just as responsible for the decay of our civilization as their left-wing counterparts. They were not innocent observers. They were in power, and they made the choices that brought us here.
For years, conservatives have comforted themselves with the illusion that the destruction of the West was entirely the doing of the left. They have blamed progressive ideologues, globalists, and utopians for the failed experiment of multiculturalism, the open borders that reshaped their nations, and the cultural relativism that hollowed out the moral foundations of their societies. But this is self-deception. The truth is that the socalled right, the respectable suit-and-tie centre-right parties that governed most of the West for the better part of the last half-century, are just as responsible for the decay of our civilization as their left-wing counterparts. They were not innocent observers. They were in power, and they made the choices that brought us here.
In France, the Gaullists and their successors ruled for decades under various names: the RPR, the UMP, and now Les Républicains. For much of the Fifth Republic’s history, the right, or what passed for it, held the presidency, the legislature, or both. And yet what did they conserve? Immigration surged but assimilation collapsed. Multiculturalism became orthodoxy not because the French right was defeated in battle, but because it surrendered without a fight. The men who claimed to guard the Republic’s identity replaced conviction with caution, sovereignty with symbolism, and principle with polling. They preached integration but allowed the parallel societies of the banlieues to fester, all the while insisting that national unity could survive as a slogan even as it disappeared as a lived reality. They spoke of secularism and French values yet abandoned the expectation that newcomers — like generations of successful immigrants before them — must adopt and uphold the shared civic and cultural values that made France what it is.
In France, the Gaullists and their successors ruled for decades under various names: the RPR, the UMP, and now Les Républicains. For much of the Fifth Republic’s history, the right, or what passed for it, held the presidency, the legislature, or both. And yet what did they conserve? Immigration surged but assimilation collapsed. Multiculturalism became orthodoxy not because the French right was defeated in battle, but because it surrendered without a fight. The men who claimed to guard the Republic’s identity replaced conviction with caution, sovereignty with symbolism, and principle with polling. They preached integration but allowed the parallel societies of the banlieues to fester, all the while insisting that national unity could survive as a slogan even as it disappeared as a lived reality. They spoke of secularism and French values yet abandoned the expectation that newcomers — like generations of successful immigrants before them — must adopt and uphold the shared civic and cultural values that made France what it is.
Germany tells the same story. The Christian Democrats, the CDU and its Bavarian sister party, the CSU, have been the dominant force of postwar German politics. Their rule has been nearly continuous, their influence immense. Yet it was under Angela Merkel, the embodiment of moderation, that Germany’s identity was most radically transformed. Her 2015 decision to open Germany’s doors to over a million migrants was not an act of the left. It was an act of the conservative establishment. It was done not in the name of ideology but of morality, and therein lies the irony: the moralism of the centre-right has been no less destructive than the utopianism of the left. Merkel’s gesture, however well-intentioned, fractured the European consensus, destabilized domestic politics, and sent an unmistakable signal to the world that Europe’s borders were optional. She governed as if sentiment could substitute for sovereignty, and Germany is still paying the price.
Germany tells the same story. The Christian Democrats, the CDU and its Bavarian sister party, the CSU, have been the dominant force of postwar German politics. Their rule has been nearly continuous, their influence immense. Yet it was under Angela Merkel, the embodiment of moderation, that Germany’s identity was most radically transformed. Her 2015 decision to open Germany’s doors to over a million migrants was not an act of the left. It was an act of the conservative establishment. It was done not in the name of ideology but of morality, and therein lies the irony: the moralism of the centre-right has been no less destructive than the utopianism of the left. Merkel’s gesture, however well-intentioned, fractured the European consensus, destabilized domestic politics, and sent an unmistakable signal to the world that Europe’s borders were optional. She governed as if sentiment could substitute for sovereignty, and Germany is still paying the price.
Across Europe, similar patterns repeat. The so-called conservative parties in Britain, Spain, Italy, and Scandinavia have all held office for long stretches of time. They could have reversed course, tightened unfettered immigration, restored national pride, and reasserted the cultural norms that bind a people together. Instead, they chose cowardice cloaked in civility. They courted respectability and the approval of editorial boards, terrified of being called cruel or reactionary. Their guiding principle became “not to be hated,” as if a society could be saved without confrontation. They governed as managers, not as leaders, as administrators of decline and custodians of decay. They inherited institutions built by stronger leaders and allowed them to crumble out of fear that renewal might offend.
Across Europe, similar patterns repeat. The so-called conservative parties in Britain, Spain, Italy, and Scandinavia have all held office for long stretches of time. They could have reversed course, tightened unfettered immigration, restored national pride, and reasserted the cultural norms that bind a people together. Instead, they chose cowardice cloaked in civility. They courted respectability and the approval of editorial boards, terrified of being called cruel or reactionary. Their guiding principle became “not to be hated,” as if a society could be saved without confrontation. They governed as managers, not as leaders, as administrators of decline and custodians of decay. They inherited institutions built by stronger leaders and allowed them to crumble out of fear that renewal might offend.
Canada and the United States have not been immune to the same disease. In Canada, the Progressive Conservatives and later the federal Conservative Party presided over the codification and expansion of official multiculturalism, a policy that, under successive Liberal and Conservative governments alike, transformed national identity from something shared into something merely managed. Brian Mulroney enshrined multiculturalism as a cornerstone of Canadian political consensus. Stephen Harper, though more cautious, did little to challenge its assumptions. The Conservatives spoke of integration but funded the same bureaucracies of fragmentation. Even in opposition, they supported the immigration policies advanced by Liberal governments, even when evidence showed integration was faltering and housing, health care, and wages were suffering. And let it be said plainly: this is not a rejection of immigration itself — immigration has built and enriched Canada — but a rejection of immigration without expectation, without integration, and without the insistence that newcomers join a common civic nation rather than reside in parallel ones.
Canada and the United States have not been immune to the same disease. In Canada, the Progressive Conservatives and later the federal Conservative Party presided over the codification and expansion of official multiculturalism, a policy that, under successive Liberal and Conservative governments alike, transformed national identity from something shared into something merely managed. Brian Mulroney enshrined multiculturalism as a cornerstone of Canadian political consensus. Stephen Harper, though more cautious, did little to challenge its assumptions. The Conservatives spoke of integration but funded the same bureaucracies of fragmentation. Even in opposition, they supported the immigration policies advanced by Liberal governments, even when evidence showed integration was faltering and housing, health care, and wages were suffering. And let it be said plainly: this is not a rejection of immigration itself — immigration has built and enriched Canada — but a rejection of immigration without expectation, without integration, and without the insistence that newcomers join a common civic nation rather than reside in parallel ones.
South of the border, the Republican party tells a similar story. For decades, it has thundered about illegal immigration while quietly enabling legal migration on a massive scale. Ronald Reagan, the icon of modern American conservatism, granted amnesty to millions in 1986 under the Immigration Reform and Control Act, declaring it a one-time correction that would fix the problem forever. It did not. The border remained porous, and the precedent was set. Later Republican administrations promised toughness but delivered managerialism: walls half-built, enforcement half-hearted, rhetoric disconnected from results. Even when they controlled Congress and the White House, Republicans flinched from using power to reform a system that rewards chaos. They were terrified of the media, of corporate donors, of their own moral uncertainty.
South of the border, the Republican party tells a similar story. For decades, it has thundered about illegal immigration while quietly enabling legal migration on a massive scale. Ronald Reagan, the icon of modern American conservatism, granted amnesty to millions in 1986 under the Immigration Reform and Control Act, declaring it a one-time correction that would fix the problem forever. It did not. The border remained porous, and the precedent was set. Later Republican administrations promised toughness but delivered managerialism: walls half-built, enforcement half-hearted, rhetoric disconnected from results. Even when they controlled Congress and the White House, Republicans flinched from using power to reform a system that rewards chaos. They were terrified of the media, of corporate donors, of their own moral uncertainty.
They governed as if the question of who enters and who belongs were a matter of economics, not of identity. The result has been a steady erosion of social cohesion and the rise of populism as the only force willing to name what the establishment right refused to confront.
The great tragedy is that the right once understood the moral dimension of civilization. It understood that a nation is not just a collection of individuals but a covenant between generations, bound by memory and duty, by a shared story and shared obligations. But over time, the conservative parties of the West became liberal parties with slower reflexes. They adopted the language of compassion, the theology of globalism, the logic of markets, and the esthetics of restraint. They preached prudence while practising abdication. Their idea of stability was to manage the revolution rather than resist it. Every time they were given power, they promised to correct the excesses of the left, and every time, they merely administered them more efficiently.
The great tragedy is that the right once understood the moral dimension of civilization. It understood that a nation is not just a collection of individuals but a covenant between generations, bound by memory and duty, by a shared story and shared obligations. But over time, the conservative parties of the West became liberal parties with slower reflexes. They adopted the language of compassion, the theology of globalism, the logic of markets, and the esthetics of restraint. They preached prudence while practising abdication. Their idea of stability was to manage the revolution rather than resist it. Every time they were given power, they promised to correct the excesses of the left, and every time, they merely administered them more efficiently.
It is no accident that populism has risen from the ruins of this betrayal. People were not seduced by extremism; they were abandoned by moderation. When citizens looked to the mainstream right for protection from mass migration, from cultural dissolution, from the erosion of meaning, they found bureaucrats instead of believers. They found a politics of hesitation, a cowardly centrism that worshipped process and feared conviction. And so the right’s greatest sin was not malice but weakness. It mistook compromise for virtue, consensus for peace, and delay for wisdom. In the end, it was the polite right that gave the left its victories, one concession at a time.
Conservatives must face this truth without evasion. The West is not being undermined by its enemies alone. Blame its caretakers, those who thought they could preserve civilization by yielding its substance while keeping its name. The crisis of the West is therefore not only moral or cultural but political. It is the collapse of a conservative tradition that lost the courage to conserve. Until the right admits its complicity and rediscovers the virtue of defiance — rooted not in exclusion, but in the defence of the shared civic and cultural inheritance that newcomers are welcome to join and strengthen — it will remain unfit to lead. For repentance must precede redemption, and only when the right stops excusing its own failures can it begin the work of renewal.
CONSERVATIVES UNWITTINGLY HELPED THE LEFT UNDERMINE THE WEST
National Post
15 Nov 2025
ANTHONY KOCH
Syrian refugee Anas Modamani shows a selfie taken with then German chancellor Angela Merkel outside a refugee centre in Berlin in 2015. That year, writes Anthony Koch, Merkel opened the floodgates to more than a million migrants.
For years, conservatives have comforted themselves with the illusion that the destruction of the West was entirely the doing of the left. They have blamed progressive ideologues, globalists, and utopians for the failed experiment of multiculturalism, the open borders that reshaped their nations, and the cultural relativism that hollowed out the moral foundations of their societies. But this is self-deception. The truth is that the socalled right, the respectable suit-and-tie centre-right parties that governed most of the West for the better part of the last half-century, are just as responsible for the decay of our civilization as their left-wing counterparts. They were not innocent observers. They were in power, and they made the choices that brought us here.
In France, the Gaullists and their successors ruled for decades under various names: the RPR, the UMP, and now Les Républicains. For much of the Fifth Republic’s history, the right, or what passed for it, held the presidency, the legislature, or both. And yet what did they conserve? Immigration surged but assimilation collapsed. Multiculturalism became orthodoxy not because the French right was defeated in battle, but because it surrendered without a fight. The men who claimed to guard the Republic’s identity replaced conviction with caution, sovereignty with symbolism, and principle with polling. They preached integration but allowed the parallel societies of the banlieues to fester, all the while insisting that national unity could survive as a slogan even as it disappeared as a lived reality. They spoke of secularism and French values yet abandoned the expectation that newcomers — like generations of successful immigrants before them — must adopt and uphold the shared civic and cultural values that made France what it is.
Germany tells the same story. The Christian Democrats, the CDU and its Bavarian sister party, the CSU, have been the dominant force of postwar German politics. Their rule has been nearly continuous, their influence immense. Yet it was under Angela Merkel, the embodiment of moderation, that Germany’s identity was most radically transformed. Her 2015 decision to open Germany’s doors to over a million migrants was not an act of the left. It was an act of the conservative establishment. It was done not in the name of ideology but of morality, and therein lies the irony: the moralism of the centre-right has been no less destructive than the utopianism of the left. Merkel’s gesture, however well-intentioned, fractured the European consensus, destabilized domestic politics, and sent an unmistakable signal to the world that Europe’s borders were optional. She governed as if sentiment could substitute for sovereignty, and Germany is still paying the price.
Across Europe, similar patterns repeat. The so-called conservative parties in Britain, Spain, Italy, and Scandinavia have all held office for long stretches of time. They could have reversed course, tightened unfettered immigration, restored national pride, and reasserted the cultural norms that bind a people together. Instead, they chose cowardice cloaked in civility. They courted respectability and the approval of editorial boards, terrified of being called cruel or reactionary. Their guiding principle became “not to be hated,” as if a society could be saved without confrontation. They governed as managers, not as leaders, as administrators of decline and custodians of decay. They inherited institutions built by stronger leaders and allowed them to crumble out of fear that renewal might offend.
Canada and the United States have not been immune to the same disease. In Canada, the Progressive Conservatives and later the federal Conservative Party presided over the codification and expansion of official multiculturalism, a policy that, under successive Liberal and Conservative governments alike, transformed national identity from something shared into something merely managed. Brian Mulroney enshrined multiculturalism as a cornerstone of Canadian political consensus. Stephen Harper, though more cautious, did little to challenge its assumptions. The Conservatives spoke of integration but funded the same bureaucracies of fragmentation. Even in opposition, they supported the immigration policies advanced by Liberal governments, even when evidence showed integration was faltering and housing, health care, and wages were suffering. And let it be said plainly: this is not a rejection of immigration itself — immigration has built and enriched Canada — but a rejection of immigration without expectation, without integration, and without the insistence that newcomers join a common civic nation rather than reside in parallel ones.
South of the border, the Republican party tells a similar story. For decades, it has thundered about illegal immigration while quietly enabling legal migration on a massive scale. Ronald Reagan, the icon of modern American conservatism, granted amnesty to millions in 1986 under the Immigration Reform and Control Act, declaring it a one-time correction that would fix the problem forever. It did not. The border remained porous, and the precedent was set. Later Republican administrations promised toughness but delivered managerialism: walls half-built, enforcement half-hearted, rhetoric disconnected from results. Even when they controlled Congress and the White House, Republicans flinched from using power to reform a system that rewards chaos. They were terrified of the media, of corporate donors, of their own moral uncertainty.
They governed as if the question of who enters and who belongs were a matter of economics, not of identity. The result has been a steady erosion of social cohesion and the rise of populism as the only force willing to name what the establishment right refused to confront.
The great tragedy is that the right once understood the moral dimension of civilization. It understood that a nation is not just a collection of individuals but a covenant between generations, bound by memory and duty, by a shared story and shared obligations. But over time, the conservative parties of the West became liberal parties with slower reflexes. They adopted the language of compassion, the theology of globalism, the logic of markets, and the esthetics of restraint. They preached prudence while practising abdication. Their idea of stability was to manage the revolution rather than resist it. Every time they were given power, they promised to correct the excesses of the left, and every time, they merely administered them more efficiently.
It is no accident that populism has risen from the ruins of this betrayal. People were not seduced by extremism; they were abandoned by moderation. When citizens looked to the mainstream right for protection from mass migration, from cultural dissolution, from the erosion of meaning, they found bureaucrats instead of believers. They found a politics of hesitation, a cowardly centrism that worshipped process and feared conviction. And so the right’s greatest sin was not malice but weakness. It mistook compromise for virtue, consensus for peace, and delay for wisdom. In the end, it was the polite right that gave the left its victories, one concession at a time.
Conservatives must face this truth without evasion. The West is not being undermined by its enemies alone. Blame its caretakers, those who thought they could preserve civilization by yielding its substance while keeping its name. The crisis of the West is therefore not only moral or cultural but political. It is the collapse of a conservative tradition that lost the courage to conserve. Until the right admits its complicity and rediscovers the virtue of defiance — rooted not in exclusion, but in the defence of the shared civic and cultural inheritance that newcomers are welcome to join and strengthen — it will remain unfit to lead. For repentance must precede redemption, and only when the right stops excusing its own failures can it begin the work of renewal.
Today at 10:30am near Stiglmaierplatz in Munich – not far from my old apartment – a 26 year-old asylum seeker in Germany named Farhad Noori1 drove his Mini Cooper into the rear of a Verdi trade union demonstration. He evaded the marchers’ police escort and ran down 28 people, before officers opened fire and managed to subdue him. Two of Noori’s victims, a mother and her young son, ended up under his car. The young boy had to be resuscitated on-scene by emergency responders and it is uncertain whether he will live.
Noori fits what is by now a well-established pattern: He is a native Afghan who came to Germany in 2016 with the rest of the Merkel wave; he was known to the police for theft and drug offences; after the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees rejected his asylum application, he received a visa of tolerated stay anyway.
Like al-Abdulmohsen, the Christmas market attacker, Noori also had a large social media presence, with 68,000 followers on Instagram and another 33,000 on TikTok. On Instagram one finds pictures he posted last year of himself standing next to the Mini Cooper used in today’s attack:
Noori was primarily a competitive bodybuilder, but he was also a pious Muslim; DerSpiegel notes that some of his final social media posts contain “Islamist content,” which seems to be a reference to TikTok posts like this one. In apparent video of his arrest this morning, Noori can be heard shouting “God is great” over and over:
What will happen now is the very same thing that happened after all of these other attacks. Politicians will tell us that these events are unacceptable and that Germany must enact grave changes to prevent them in future. Then there will be renewed marches to celebrate diversity and oppose “the right,” because the most important victims of migrants attackers are of course all the peaceful Muslims they did not attack. Around this time we will be warned against over-generalising and overreacting, and then the story will slip from the headlines until the next time.
UPDATE:Some additional details have come to light. Noori’s asylum application was rejected in 2017, a year after his arrival. He became an illegal resident in 2020, but received his visa of toleration sometime thereafter. Some of his (now-deleted) Instagram posts show that he worked as store security for Ralph Lauren in Munich. He was known to the authorities for document forgery, among other crimes.
All media are presently withholding Noori’s family name, but your intrepid blogger discovered it – and his social media accounts – through his own researches. In this way I can offer you a modest second-order ‘exclusive.’ Believe me, I take no pleasure in this.
The 40-year-old Tesfalem A., a migrant from Eritrea, is standing trial for raping and impregnating his own 12-year-old daughter.
The girl first went to the hospital for stomach pains only for doctors to discover that she was five months pregnant. Once an abortion was conducted, a DNA test was ran on the baby’s umbilical cord, which confirmed that the baby’s father was Tesfalem A. The girl was already five months prengant before she went to the doctor.
Tesfalem A. is currently standing trial in the Giessen Regional Court of Hesse. The prosecutor states that the man, who works as a nursing assistant, had “sexual intercourse with his daughter” on July 23, 2023, impregnating her.
The father said in court that he is “sorry from the bottom of my heart.” However, he has not confessed to the specific crime, simply saying he was drunk at the time of the incident after drinking 10 beers and has no memory of the incident.
“I drank too much,” he said. “From that point on, I was no longer in my right mind.”
However, when he first spoke to investigators, he made no mention of being intoxicated, raising the question of whether he is attempting to formulate a justification for his actions after being caught months after the incident.
When the rape took place, his daughter and her father were living in a refugee shelter in Friedberg. The man is a single father and was divorced at the time the girl was raped.
The guardians of the girl say she was traumatized due to the rape and refuses to speak about the incident.
A psychologist said that the girl did not even understand how babies were made when questioned. A police officer speaking to Bild stated: “She is a child – with an absolutely childlike body and not a teenager in terms of personality either. Shy and reserved.”
Democide: Germany Transformed as Hard-Core Hooton Plan Implemented
7–9 minutes
In 1943, prominent American anthropologist Ernest Hooton wrote an an article headlined “Breed War Strain Out of Germans” for New York Daily newspaper. The concept was an “outbreeding” plan to “destroy German nationalism and ideology while retaining and perpetuating desirable German biological and sociological capacities.”
The Harvard University professor’s proposal called for genetically transforming the German nation by encouraging mating of German women with non-German men, who would be brought into the country in large numbers; and of German men, forcibly held outside of Germany, with non-German women. Ten to 12 million German men would be assigned to forced labor under Allied supervision in countries outside of Germany to rebuild their economies.
“The objects of this measure,” wrote Dr. Hooton, “include reduction of the birthrate of ‘pure’ Germans, neutralization of German ‘aggressiveness’ by outbreeding and denationalization of indoctrinated individuals.”
This scheme, Hooton estimated, would require at least 20 years to be implemented. “During this period, it would encourage the immigration and settlement in Germany of non-German nationals, especially males,” he wrote.
In practice a much more horrific version of the Hooton Plan was jump started with a genocide. An estimated five million or more German POWs (see Rhine-Meadows death camps- You Tube banned in Europe) and civilians were exterminated and murdered in the Hellstorm period of 1944-1946.
Here we see aerial footage of unarmed German farmers murdered in the closing days of the war, when food was in short supply for all Europeans. Title is 1945 Strafing of Farmers on Horse Drawn Vehicles (actually carts) – direct link
This is hidden history that is shockingly and totally suppressed. Winter Watch holds that everyone with limited, poor or non-existent interpretative frameworks of real history should watch these two videos. If nothing else you should also watch these videos to ask yourself the question as to why they are so banned and suppressed.
Now that Germany’s birth rate is below the replacement level of 2.1, millions of racially and culturally alien migrants are welcomed in Germany. The number of children of mixed ethnicity has sharply increased, and the ethnic-cultural character of much of the country has been drastically altered, especially in the larger cities. 26% of Germany’s population is foreign background.
Historically up to WWI Germany had very robust birth rates and large families at about 5.0. Emigration to America was one of the population release valves. WWI greatly impacted German demographics. 2,037,000 German soldiers were killed in World War I and many more were maimed and had their health damaged. The post-war birth rate averaged about 2.5 up until the Great Depression. The Depression obliterated the birth rate which fell to about 1.7 between 1929-1934. Pretty shocking for a country with 5.0 thirty years earlier.
It is a bit of a myth that the National Socialists turned this around much- but finally by 1938-1940 it was running 2.35. WWII ended all that and once again the flower of German mankind and also many women perished in war. The German government reported that its records list 4.3 million dead and missing military personnel. Civilian deaths during the war include air raid deaths, estimates of German civilians killed only by Allied strategic bombing have ranged from around 350,000 to 500,000. Civilian deaths, due to the aforementioned Hellstorm, namely the flight and expulsion of Germans, Soviet and Allied war crimes and the forced labor of Germans in the Soviet Union are disputed and range from 500,000 to over 2.0 million.
Unlike the United States there was no post war baby boom. In the 1950s and 60s birth rates stabilized at about 2.4. Life expectancy increased, which kept the population at least treading water. But once again the rate tailed off. Astonishingly in 1991-1996 it fell well below 1.0 before recovering slightly to about 1.4. In 2021 the birth rate of Germany is 1.58 and half the population is over 45. Many of the births are not ethnic Germans.
Now come official figures from Germany’s Federal Statistics Office (FSO): In 2019, 26% of Germans of any age group (up from 18,4% in 2008) and 39% of German children (up from 30% in 2008) had at least one parent born abroad. The biggest group are Turks at 1.52 million. Another 8.3 million are from other white European backgrounds, with Poles the largest group, followed by Romanians, Italians, Greeks, Croatians and Serbs. In the post Hellstorm period and up to 2014, the trend was more about Europeanizing Germany (with a major Turkish and Balkan factor), and not so much about white democide or mortacide. This was also a natural consequence of Germany’s role in the EU.
But since then, the vast majority come from Muslim countries and from Africa. Not even the extreme and hostile 1943 Hooton Plan would have promoted this mix. Hooton today would be a blessing. Hooton in general pushed for Europeanizing Germany.
The FSO data collected in mid 2015 fails to reflect the more than 1.6 million migrants who arrived during that year and the first half of 2016, which skews the numbers even higher. There are today noticeable numbers of French and English speaking Africans on the streets of German cities. In Berlin, people with a migration background comprise 30% of residents. Ethnic Germans are already a minority in the district center and many of the surrounding central districts.
Even before cuck Angela Merkel “opened the lock,” a quarter of people between the ages of 15 and 45 had foreign roots in 2014. By and large it was a pan-European population. Today, as mentioned, 40% under 18 do. Opening the lock is very much an extremist hard-core Hooton scheme.
The other hidden democide story is the Ukraine. The country has very low birth rates typically averaging 1.5. Ukraine subsequently has one of the oldest populations in the world, with the average age of 40.8 years.
To date there have been around 16.9 million border crossings from Ukraine into neighboring countries due to the ongoing war. The war has reduced the flower of Ukrainian manhood by about 100,000 to date.
Since the fall of Communism, the Ukraine has been systematically looted by the Crime Syndicate oligarch sistema and poor governance. The real background story of the impeachment hearings is the shitstorm and skulduggery that the Ukraine endures. We will address this further, but our not read nearly enough post on the loot of PrivatBank at the hands of Jewish kleptocrat criminals is illustrative.
Canadian citizen Monika Schaefer has just been arrested and thrown into prison in Germany. She had committed no crime. Author Mike Walsh warns potential visitors to Germany to stay away from this dangerous police state.
As Germany turns into a repressive violent state, travellers are on a ‘visit at your peril’ red alert. Entangled in electoral mayhem and threatened by refugee violence, the Merkel regime is said to be staring into the abyss.
Normal life is fast disappearing.
Also disappearing are many Germans now fleeing to Hungary.
And Poles are returning to their homeland to escape rampant refugee violence gripping Germany’s once beautiful cities.
Greece has suffered a calamitous 41 percent drop in tourism as a consequence of the invasion by non-European benefit bandits.
German’s tourist sector is reeling from an even greater drop in visitor figures.
Private properties in the hotel and leisure sector have been commandeered by the state to accommodate the new foreign invaders.
In the latest bizarre twist, STASI-like German cops have arrested a visiting Canadian pensioner. The state-sponsored abduction occurred in front of an astonished courthouse.
Canadian Monika Schaefer, whilst attending a Munich court hearing on January 3, was seized by three armed cops, handcuffed and taken to the cells. Attendees and observers seated in the court’s public galleries stared at each other in disbelief.
The retired musician, a Canadian citizen of German ancestry who learned to play the violin at age 7 and is a skilled solo performer, is now in a High Security prison in Munich.
MONIKA SCHAEFER:
THE BEAUTIFUL LADY WITH THE VIOLIN,
DRAGGED OFF TO PRISON IN MERKEL’S MADHOUSE!
In an astonishing exchange of words Germany’s State Prosecutor snapped at the protesting music teacher, “If you wanted to stay free, you should have stayed in Canada!”
Is the diminutive music tutor a deranged escapee with a long record of violence? No, she is a getting-on-in-years lady and happened to take an interest in the holocaust. Disturbed by what appeared to be exaggerated figures that relate to compensation pay-outs, Monika Schaefer discovered that the holocaust was being used as an international scam to extract money from the German State and to bolster sympathy for Israel.
Despite overwhelming evidence of holocaust related fraud, which has been published in western media, Monika Schaefer’s arrest could result in a five-year prison term for carrying out investigations that actually supports many leading figures, including prominent Jews, who are also outraged at the extent of holocaust-related fraud.
Observers say this is a deeply worrying trend and compare it to the notorious 17th Century witch hunts of Medieval Europe.
The mainstream media is playing safe and publishing press releases issued only by Jewish pressure groups. This strategy gives readers and viewers a skewered account of the bizarre abduction.
Supporters of the UN UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS are advised against travel to Germany and urged to warn friends who may be contemplating a visit to Merkel’s Germany.
URSUAL HAVERBECK, AGE 89,
sent to prison in Angela Merkel’s Germany
for asking awkward questions about the Holocaust!
ANOTHER VICTIM OF GERMAN JUSTICE‒
EVEN LAWYERS ARE SENT TO PRISON
FOR THE CRIME OF DEFENDING THEIR CLIENTS!
EVIL EYES
“Merkel is at the risk of an imminent mental breakdown
and now represents a danger to Germany.” — Hans-Joachim Maaz, top German psychiatrist and author
Now we’re seeing these prescient predictions come true, most prominently in Germany, since 2015 when Angela Merkel began allowing more than 2 million migrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East to flood into her country.
U.S. and German citizens are put at significant risk by the politically correct acceptance of unscreened immigrants from countries with a high prevalence of infectious diseases, many difficult or impossible to treat. Yet authorities in both countries have failed to fully inform the public of the dangers.
According to the July 2017 Infectious Disease Epidemiology Annual Report by the Robert Koch Institute in Berlin, Germany has seen a surge in chicken pox, cholera, dengue fever, tuberculosis, leprosy, measles, malaria, meningococcal diseases, hemorrhagic fevers, hepatitis, HIV/AIDS, paratyphoid, rubella, shigellosis, syphilis, typhus, toxoplasmosis, tularemia, trichinellosis, whooping cough, and many fungal and parasitic infections. Here are a few striking examples:
Measles is up more than 450 percent. Hepatitis B is up 300 percent. Scabies escalated nearly 3,000 percent. HIV/AIDS increased 30 percent. Tuberculosis (TB) is at least 30 percent higher – but German and U.S. physicians suspect that the incidence of TB is actually far higher than reported, and is being downplayed to avoid causing public outrage over the influx of immigrants. In Germany, more than 40 percent of TB cases are multi-drug resistant TB (MDR-TB).Dengue fever is up over 25 percent just from 2014.
As in the U.S., many hundreds of thousands of migrants “disappear” into cities and towns across Germany, without a health screening. There is no way to monitor them for disease or to ensure adequate treatment. Citizens are exposed without their knowledge; risks are especially serious for children and the elderly.
In a briefing to the Arizona Senate in 2016, experts reported that the U.S. is suffering near “pandemic medical issues” due to the continuous influx of illegal aliens and refugees from countries where infectious diseases are widespread. As of 2016, two states were in the Catastrophic Phase and another 13 were in the Critical Phase of public health impact from these infectious diseases. Arizona was No. 9 of 13 states in the Critical Phase but was expected to move into the Catastrophic Phase by fall of 2016 as a result of people who are latent carriers of disease or who entered the country during the incubation period for a disease. We were unable to learn the current status from personal calls to Arizona county and state officials.
TB is one of the most serious threats. Latent TB can remain dormant for years, even decades. It is alarming that 18 percent of refugees in Arizona arrive with latent TB, while in the general Arizona population the incidence was only 4 percent. Multidrug resistant TB (MDR-TB), common in migrants, may cost more than $400,000 per patient, compared with $20,000 for the drug-responsive TB that has been predominant in U.S.-born patients. Treatment of MDR-TB has serious side effects, with no guarantee of success.
U.S. taxpayers pay this cost. In addition, all who might have been exposed to an active case must be screened, followed and possibly treated.
Even healthy immigrants burden the system with social costs, such as housing, education and food stamps – costs borne by taxpaying workers whose own wages are depressed by competition from a glut of low-paid foreigners. Illegal immigrants are estimated to cost U.S. taxpayers $17 billion per year. That $17 billion is in addition to the costs for those allowed here legally under “refugee” status, for which we do not have reliable public estimates.
Liberal and progressive politicians like to say, “America is the land of immigrants.” In the past, this meant legal immigrants who follow our screening procedures for illness and other laws and who are coming to America to be part of our culture.
Medical screening was one of the core purposes of the Ellis Island immigration center in New York. New arrivals were examined, quarantined if needed, or sent back to their country of origin if they posed a risk to Americans.
To protect the health and safety of American citizens, we must reinstate our prior customary medical screening as outlined on our own Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) website.
For national security and medical concerns, President Trump is correct to enforce our immigration laws, with careful vetting of those seeking to come to America to live and work.
Subject: Angela Merkel says Europe must take MORE refugees and Islam ‘isn’t source of terror’
Comrade Merkel hates Christian Europe and Western Civilization like the Bolsheviks hated the Russian religion, culture and traditions. You can bet your bottom dollar that Justin Trudeau also hates this outpost of Christian Western Civilization built by Europeans in Canada as did Obama in the United States . The liberal-left is acting like a Trojan horse to destroy western nations by swamping countries with totally incompatible immigrants/refugees from the third-world who are incapable of building let alone sustaining western civilization…and they are not interested in doing so. Make no mistake, we are in a war for our very survival as a people and a civilization, and the enemy is inside the gates. WDG
The embattled leader says Europe has an obligation to take displaced people from Syria and Iraq .
She also said Islam “is not the cause of terrorism” and that combatting extremism needs the cooperation of Muslim countries.
In a wide-ranging speech at a Munich security conference, the German chief also vowed to work closely with Vladimir Putin’s Russia in the fight with ISIS in the Middle East .
“A nation can survive its fools, and even the ambitious. But it cannot survive treason from within. An enemy at the gates is less formidable, for he is known and carries his banner openly. But the traitor moves amongst those within the gate freely, his sly whispers rustling through all the alleys, heard in the very halls of government itself. For the traitor appears not a traitor; he speaks in accents familiar to his victims, and he wears their face and their arguments, he appeals to the baseness that lies deep in the hearts of all men. He rots the soul of a nation, he works secretly and unknown in the night to undermine the pillars of the city, he infects the body politic so that it can no longer resist. A murderer is less to fear. The traitor is the plague.”
EVIL EYES