War on White Males Funded by Our Tax Money This is TREASON to Canada’s European founding/settler people. It’s rank anti-White, especially anti-White male, discrimination. Through taxes, you’re forced to fund your own replacement.
Notice whom the government subsidizes or in bureacratees equity-deserving groups” – women, the disabled,indigenous people, the LGBTQ crowd and newcomers (Third World invaders).Make it hard for White men to get a job. That will keep them from marrying and having children.
The Conservative leader’s defenders say the CPC never endorsed high inflows. The record is more awkward: Amritsar flights, foreign-nurse licensing tours, a 2022 “pro-immigration” radio pitch
The Conservative leader’s defenders say the CPC never endorsed high inflows. The record is more awkward: Amritsar flights, foreign-nurse licensing tours, a 2022 “pro-immigration” radio pitch — then a hard turn once the polls turned. Harmony’s (CPC trolling me for years) defence of Pierre Poilievre is simple. The Conservative Party of Canada does not say yes to mass immigration. Maxime Bernier is unelectable. Michael Bator is spreading misinformation. Vote Pierre. That last instruction may still be how a lot of Canadians vote. It is not an answer to the charge. Bernier’s point was never that Poilievre published a manifesto titled Yes to Mass Immigration. It was that the Conservative leader changes with the wind: one script for Punjabi radio and festival season, another for the housing-and-wages audience once public opinion soured.
You can test that without mind-reading. You only need the clips, the petitions, and the dates. The Amritsar campaign was not a slip. It was the product. In April 2023, Poilievre stood in Brampton in a room holding banners that read “Direct Flights to Amritsar Now” and “Open the Skies to Amritsar.” This was not a stray remark on the way out the door. It was a launch. “Punjabi Canadians have been calling on the federal government to deliver direct flights between Amritsar and Canada,” he said. “But even after years of activism from the Punjabi community, the Liberal government has failed to fight gatekeepers and open the skies to Amritsar.” Hindustan Times, April 2023Then the line that tells you who the policy was for: “I, along with my deputy leader Tim Uppal, shadow minister Jasraj Singh Hallan and a group of other conservatives, are launching a full campaign to get the direct flight from Canada to Punjab, especially Amritsar, so that over a million Canadians who have their origins in that part of the world can fly directly from our country to that beautiful place.”
Same Hindustan Times report He repeated the pitch to Indo-Canadian media the same week: Canada has the largest Punjabi diaspora in the world; London and Milan already have the route; seniors and families should not have to land in Delhi and drive. He said he had met the Indian High Commissioner, written the transport minister, and sat down with Air Canada and Air India.
Indo-Canadian Voice A week later he was at the Surrey Vaisakhi parade, thanking volunteers who “helped rally support… for a direct flight to Amritsar” and pointing people to the party petition.
Poilievre on X, April 23, 2023 That petition lived at conservative.ca/amritsar.This did not age out after one news cycle. In April 2025, on RED FM, he was still selling Toronto and Vancouver to Amritsar and blaming Liberals for failing to land a single direct flight after a decade. Singapore, Malaysia, the UAE, the UK, Italy — they had the route. Canada did not.
A flight is not an immigration quota. Pretending otherwise is sloppy. Pretending this was just “cutting red tape for travellers” is sloppier. You do not build a named campaign, parade presence, petition URL, and years of Punjabi-media hits around a route to one city in one Indian state unless you are courting one electorate in Brampton, Surrey, Calgary, and the suburban ridings Conservatives cannot win without.
If the defence is “Canada First,” the question writes itself. Why that city, that community, that banner, that petition? “Bring home the nurses” was the other half of the circuit. The second exhibit is the Blue Seal. In March 2023 the party put it on paper. Foreign-trained doctors and nurses already in Canada were being blocked by “gatekeepers.” The numbers cited: 34,105 foreign-trained nurses and 18,900 foreign-trained doctors not working in their profession. Only 37 percent of foreign-credentialed nurses were working as nurses. The fix was a national competency test, an answer in 60 days, and a certificate that would travel across provinces that signed on. Poilievre’s own language went further than “process the paperwork.”“I will put an end to this bureaucratic madness and bring home our doctors and nurses to help fix our broken healthcare system. My plan will ensure foreign-trained healthcare workers can easily work in Canada.”
Same page Then he took it on the community circuit.Winnipeg, Filipino community, June 2023: “There are 20,000 immigrant doctors & 32,000 immigrant nurses blocked from serving patients… so immigrant professionals can get tested and get to work within 60 days.”
Poilievre on X, June 2, 2023January 2024 video: “Maria is one of Canada’s 32,000 foreign-trained nurses blocked from working here. Let them take a test, prove they’re qualified & get to work.”
Poilievre on X, January 27, 2024Taste of Manila, August 2024: “Everyone is excited about removing gatekeepers to allow Filipino nurses to write a Blue Seal exam and get licensed to treat patients & reduce wait times.”
Poilievre on X, April 29, 2024Be precise, because the other side will be. Blue Seal is mainly about licensing people already here, not a new federal nurse-import quota.
That distinction matters. What also matters is the sales channel. The same leader who later talks about overwhelmed hospitals sold faster entry of foreign-trained clinicians to the exact diasporas whose votes the party has spent a decade chasing. “Cut the red tape” is popular in a waiting room and popular in a banquet hall. That is the point.The cleanest receipt is the flipIf Amritsar is the ethnic-vote file, the immigration-volume file is the weather vane.
November 2022. Exclusive interview with Harjit Singh Gill on Shere Punjab Radio. The title of the upload is not subtle: “Conservative party is pro-immigration.”Poilievre said it out loud. He also used a working example: a Punjabi restaurant that had been open four years and still could not serve customers because Ottawa would not process the cook. Bring in the cooks, he said, and the business could hire Canadian waitresses, receptionists, janitorial staff. Process economic immigration quickly. Speed foreign-credential recognition. Welcome everyone who wants to work hard.“The conservative party is pro-immigration and we want to be the party that welcomes everyone who wants to work hard and achieve their dreams.”
YouTube: Sherepunjab Radio, November 8, 2022CBC captured the same period. Poilievre told Punjabi radio the party was pro-immigration. At an ethnic-media roundtable he talked about expanding Express Entry, making it easier for temporary foreign workers to become permanent residents, and improving parent sponsorship.
CBC: “Pierre Poilievre thinks he can win over new Canadians,” December 2022That was the offer when the coalition still needed to be built and the housing revolt had not yet swallowed the issue.Watch the product change once the country did.January 2024: tie the number of people invited to the number of homes built.
CIC News summary of the Winnipeg press conferenceAugust 29, 2024: “We have to have a smaller population growth.” Curb the Temporary Foreign Worker Program and the international student pipeline. Do not grow the population at three times the housing stock.
He can hold both thoughts in one speech now — welcome the ones who contribute, license the doctors and nurses, and cap the numbers — because that is what a professional opposition does after the median voter moves.
Global News transcript of his convention speechThat is allowed in politics. It is not evidence of a man who does the unpopular thing because it is right. It is evidence of a man who found the popular thing twice: first among the communities he needed to peel off the Liberals, then among the voters who decided the last decade of inflows had broken housing, wages, and hospitals.
Same leader. Different room. Different script. What the defence actually requires you to believe. To keep Harmony’s version intact, you have to believe several things at once. You have to believe a multi-year Amritsar campaign, complete with parade troops and a party URL, is just aviation policy. You have to believe years of Filipino, Tamil, and Punjabi photo-ops around foreign-trained nurses are just health-care reform that happened to be filmed in banquet halls. You have to believe “the Conservative party is pro-immigration,” plus faster cooks from abroad, plus TFW-to-PR, was a temporary misunderstanding.
You have to believe the later “too many, too fast” turn was always the plan, merely waiting for the correct week to be announced.Or you can believe the ordinary thing: Pierre Poilievre is very good at finding the vote. In 2022 the vote he needed lived in ethnic media and suburban temples and festivals. By 2024 the vote he needed lived in the comments under every rental listing in Toronto and Vancouver. He served both.That is not a secret Liberal talking point. It is how you win a Canadian election if you are a Conservative who watched 2015 and decided the party would never again be caricatured as hostile to new Canadians — until hostility to the volume became the majority position, at which point the volume became the scandal.Bernier’s insult was that this is poll-chasing.
The generous version is coalition management. The operational version is the same: do not pick a fight that costs a seat you can keep with a banner.The question that survives the talking pointsNone of this proves Poilievre wants “open borders.” He does not run on that, and he has spent the last two years running against it. None of it proves every foreign-trained nurse should stay unlicensed while emergency rooms buckle. Canadians can want faster credentialling and lower inflows. Those are not opposites.
The question is narrower, and it is the one Harmony ducked.If the Conservative Party does not say yes to mass immigration, why did its leader spend the building years saying yes to the politics that produced it — faster foreign labour, faster family and community traffic to Punjab, faster professional entry sold community by community — and only discover the brake once the country was already screaming about rent?
A leader who does what is right whether or not it is popular would have told the 2022 radio audience the thing he tells rallies now: the pipeline was too wide, the colleges were a racket, the TFW program was eating entry-level jobs, and a direct flight is not a substitute for an integration policy.
He did not. He told that room what that room wanted. He told the next room what the next room wanted. That is not backbone. That is a weather vane with a petition link.
If you want the CPC line, Harmony already wrote it. If you want the file, it is all still online. Start with the Brampton banners, the Vaisakhi post, the Shere Punjab interview, and the party page that promised to bring the nurses home. Then read the 2024–26 speeches and ask what changed besides the polls.
WHY DOES AN $81,000 GOVERNMENT JOB ASK YOUR IDENTITY FIRST?
“We will consider employees who self-declare as being a Black person, a racialized person, a person living with a disability, a First Nation, an Inuit, a Métis or a member of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community for this opportunity before others.”
Before others.
That is the Public Prosecution Service of Canada, advertising a records job in its Nunavut office at $81,000 a year.
Blacklock’s Reporter found it.
Nobody walked it back.
Spokesperson Alessia Bongiovanni said the Employment Equity Act permits it.
While Westminster condemns them as thugs, the men who blockaded Dover and Portsmouth achieved more in one weekend than fifteen years of failed border policy.
It has been an agonisingly long wait, but the English lion-heart has finally woken from its slumber. In the face of at least a decade’s worth of broken Uniparty promises to reduce legal and illegal immigration, a “Dad’s Army” of the white working class has mobilised to do what the authorities patently refuse to: to patrol the south coast of England, and to prevent illegal migrants from entering the country full stop. The Frank Reportpredicted this exact eventuality only last week, noting the utter contempt shown to our national flag and the English heritage with which it is imbued. As I wrote then:
“The time has passed for short measures on illegal immigration. Deal with the small boats now, or the public will do it for you – establishing our own ‘Border Force’ if necessary.”
On Saturday, just such a prediction came to pass. The venue, with a defensive nod to history, was a stone’s throw from the White Cliffs of Dover. In the early hours of the morning, hundreds of balaclava-clad men showed up in a clearly well-organised show of strength. An unprepared police force looked on but decided not to intervene – likely due to the fact that they were considerably outnumbered. The group, understood to be Patriot Platform (an anti-immigration group founded in June of last year in response to government inaction and migrant criminal activity), brought the streets and the port to a standstill alongside peaceful shouts of ‘Whose streets? Our streets!’ and asphalt-chalked messages such as ‘Blood is on your hands’ and ‘Are you listening now?’ The group dispersed just after midday, entirely without incident.
While Saturday’s event was clearly a dry-run, on Sunday the stakes rose significantly. For the first time, a ‘small boat’ with 140 illegals on-board attempted to make its way to the Royal Navy’s home of Portsmouth – an unusual deviation from the much shorter route to Dover. Patriot Platform sounded the alarm, and was matched roughly three-to-one by members of the public, who turned up in response to social media livestreams.
This particular migrant operation was clearly well-orchestrated and organised in advance; tents had already been erected, packed with migrant supplies (food, new clothes, and pyjamas). Several coaches were also idling at Eastney Landing, ready to transport the arrivals out of Hampshire for routine processing:
I was at the No Frills on Upper James when I saw a woman, who appeared to be of Indian background, sitting outside with a sign asking for money to help pay her rent.
( Before I continue, she had a heavy Indian accent, which leads me to believe this was not her country of birth )
My first reaction was that newcomers already have access to various settlement programs and forms of government support. But then I started thinking about the bigger picture. What if the enormous population growth Canada has allowed is now beginning to hurt the very newcomers it was supposed to help?
When housing supply doesn’t keep pace with population growth, rents rise. When more people are competing for entry-level jobs, employment becomes harder to find. When food, transportation and basic necessities become more expensive, everybody at the lower end of the income scale gets squeezed, whether they were born here or arrived last year.
And that brings me to the larger problem.
Ontario Works caseloads are climbing. Food-bank use across Canada has essentially doubled since 2019. Ontario food-bank visits have increased by more than 120%. Here in Hamilton, food-bank use has risen dramatically, homelessness remains extremely high, and encampments have become a far more visible part of everyday life.
Canadians are struggling to pay rent, buy groceries, find affordable housing and secure decent-paying jobs.
My own daughter attended Mohawk College and estimated that 80 to 90% of one of her classes was made up of students of Indian background. I’m not blaming those students for applying. I’m questioning how Canada’s immigration and college systems were allowed to become so heavily dependent on enormous numbers of international students, especially when international students pay colleges several times what Canadian students do.
And I’m not just talking about international students. I’m talking about the total number of permanent immigrants, temporary workers, international students, refugees and asylum seekers entering Canada.
Immigration obviously didn’t cause every homeless person, every food-bank visit or every Ontario Works case.
But the question is still completely legitimate:
If welfare caseloads are increasing, food banks are breaking records, homelessness is rising, housing is unaffordable, healthcare is overwhelmed and Canadians are already struggling, why is the government continually increasing the population faster than Canada could build the housing, infrastructure and services needed to support it?
Immigration should benefit Canada, and it should also give newcomers a genuine chance to succeed once they arrive.
The number of people entering this country should be based on how many people Canada can realistically house, employ and support.
Build the capacity first.
Then set the immigration numbers.
Because bringing people into an affordability crisis and expecting both Canadians and newcomers to somehow absorb the consequences isn’t compassionate or intelligent policy.
At some point, we have to acknowledge that this is a real issue and one that can no longer be brushed aside.
I would imagine that many people who dismiss these concerns are simply fortunate enough not to be feeling the effects personally. But when someone is financially secure, comfortable and largely insulated from the consequences, it becomes very easy to tell everyone else that there is no problem. In my opinion, there is something deeply self-absorbed about that.
Canada cannot keep expanding its population while housing, healthcare, employment opportunities, social assistance and food-bank systems are already under this much pressure.
In my opinion, Canada needs to temporarily close, or at the very least drastically restrict, new admissions until we get these problems under control and build the capacity to properly support the people who are already here, both Canadian-born and newcomers alike.
That isn’t about hostility toward immigrants. It’s about recognizing that no system can absorb unlimited pressure without eventually failing the very people it is supposed to serve.
What are your thoughts? Do you think Canada should significantly reduce immigration until housing, healthcare, employment and affordability catch up? – Kristopher Hunter, Hamilton
Mcgill University’s most recent equity quotas require the school to hire 34 “racialized” Canada Research Chairs, five Indigenous Canada Research Chairs and 10 “persons with disabilities.”
TRISTIN HOPPER
2 Sep 2026
Canadian mandates on race-based hiring quotas in academia have done measurable damage to the country’s research productivity, according to a new report by the Macdonald-laurier Institute.
Ever since 2017, Canadian universities have been subject to strict identity-based hiring quotas as a condition of receiving federal research funding.
In recent years, this has resulted in a regular stream of academic job postings that are explicitly barred to straight, white men. Newfoundland’s Memorial University, for instance, advertised a tranche of five new jobs in April that were open only to “women; 2SLGBTQIA+ people; Indigenous peoples; racialized persons; and persons with disabilities.”
And according to a 54-page report published Tuesday, all of this identity-based hiring has yielded a notable drop off in the amount of Canadian research being published or cited by other scholars.
“Our analysis … confirms that diversity is not merely neutral but can lower performance,” reads the conclusion of The Equity-excellence Tradeoff report.
It added, “all told, ending EDI (equity, diversity and inclusion) initiatives in Canadian research should be a top priority for any responsible government.”
The report zeroed in on the $311-million per year Canada Research Chair program, the federal research fund with the most overt strictures on identity-based hiring.
The program funds 2,285 university-based Canada Research Chairs whose salary and office expenses are covered entirely by federal grant money. For a Tier 1 Canada Research Chair, for instance, schools receive $200,000 a year. For Tier 2, it’s $100,000 per year.
In return, schools must submit to federally set quotas on the race, gender and sexual characteristics of the researchers they’re allowed to hire.
According to the most recent “equity targets” published by the Government of Canada, Canada Research Chairs must be 22 per cent “racialized,” 4.9 per cent “Indigenous” and 50.9 per cent “women and gender equity-seeking groups.”
These targets take the form of regularly updated tables in which individual universities are told the precise number of Canada Research Chairs they’re required to hire in one of four “equity-deserving” groups.
Mcgill University’s most recent equity quotas, for instance, require the school to hire 34 “racialized” Canada
Research Chairs, five Indigenous Canada Research Chairs and 10 “persons with disabilities.”
The Canada Research Chair program began in 2000, but its identity mandates started only in 2017 under the oversight of then-prime minister Justin Trudeau. And in just nine years, the effect has been precipitous.
At the program’s launch, 80 per cent of Canada Research Chairs were white males. As of 2025, white males comprised just 25 per cent of the total.
Macdonald-laurier Institute analysts ranked the productivity of Canada Research Chairs both before and after the identity mandates.
What they determined was that the quantity and quality of Canada Research Chair scholarship had declined from between 10 per cent to 15 per cent, which the report attributed to the “non-meritorious appointment of less qualified Black, Indigenous, and female chairs.”
The report categorized the performance of 1,906 Canada Research Chairs by their “h-index,” a standard global measure of a scholar’s productivity and relevance.
An h-index ranks the number of papers in which a researcher is listed as an author, as well as the number of instances in which those papers have been cited by others, and then arrives at a number that is typically between one and 100.
Currently, Canada’s highest h-index belongs to Mcmaster University health researcher Gordon Guyatt. With his name on 1,715 publications and 366,582 citations, as of last count, he has an h-index of 290.
In a close second is another Mcmaster University health researcher, Salim Yusuf, with an h-index of 280.
The Macdonald-laurier Institute paper broke down the median h-index for different races of Canada Research Chairs, and found that the cohorts with the lowest research productivity are the same cohorts being given priority for academic jobs.
The average white or Asian male scholar, for instance, had an h-index of 39. For male scholars who were Black or Indigenous, meanwhile, the h-index came to 25.
There was also an h-index gap between women and men generally. Male Canada Research Chairs averaged an h-index of 38, while female scholars averaged 28.
From this, the paper concluded that the gradual replacement of high-achieving cohorts with lower-achieving ones was coming at the cost of lower quality research — at least in terms of h-index scores.
“There will be many cases in which female, Black, or Indigenous scholars will not impose a cost, but on average — underan Edidispensation in which race and sex considerations can outweigh scholarly merit — this will be the case,” it said.
As one example, the paper noted that in instances where a university took a position previously filled by a white or Asian scholar, and filled it with a Black or Indigenous hire, that’s likely to entail an “average loss of 3.2 h-index points.”
When asked whether Japan will welcome more immigrants, Japanese Finance Minister Katayama said, “We are not imagining a situation where our society will be like European countries.”
She also spoke about when she was in France for two years and noted that even though immigrants from former French colonies speak French, there was still a feeling among French people that they are of a different culture, like how Japanese people feel they are also of a different culture.
How many Australians in our big, Babylonic cities understand how it feels to be the only Aussie on public transport? How many experience that feeling of demoralisation that comes from effectively being the stranger? For, no matter how ‘diverse’ they make it for the ‘others,’ they are united in their otherness—being ‘strangers’ assimilates and empowers them in the greater body of migrants. It is them against us, but lately the ‘us’ component is purely subjective given our apparent scarcity. In most instances, if they even think about it, the ‘other’ likely feels schadenfreude at our revised status.
tThey have changed the patient habits of Australians of yore—such as respecting queues, giving up your seat for the infirm or elderly—and frantically steal ahead of others waiting for trains or buses. They will plant themselves in a seat (not all, but a lot) and disregard the common courtesies that we took for granted in the pre-Zoomer generation. In all honesty, it depends on the race, and that person’s level of culture and education, but the best of any people is its absolute minority. One good apple does not excuse a rotten barrel; thus, other anti-social behaviours consume what should be a quiet period of travel.Australia has never been a perfect idyll; yobbish behaviour has plagued our public transport in the form of drunks and obnoxious teenagers. But rather than help change that regrettable inevitability in even a homogeneous society, they have brought their ‘ways’ as per the contract of multiculturalism. For multiculturalism demands no assimilation; it excuses the migrant to form their own enclaves and maintain their language, culture and ‘traditions.’ When coming from a hectic, formerly described ‘third world’ environment these habits persist. But this is tempered by the new morality (or absence of it) based around the digital age, which ensures everybody is entranced in their phone, either studying pages, or listening to TikTok videos, or music. In this latter situation, even headphones do little to mute the irritating noise a passenger generates.
Migrants especially love to display their western status symbols, and phones are part of these, but when on hands-free they jabber loudly in conversations that could absolutely be had any other time but on a bus, then the feeling of alienation for the only Aussie on the bus is amplified to the point of resentment. The lone Aussie is now surrounded by various races, numerous languages, and none are his. But this vestibule of cultural detachment is a microcosmic chamber of whatever local destination that bus or train is likely headed to. To step from that experience to walking streets completely transformed by the other—making him a foreigner in his own land—delivers a cruel note to the heart.In this hypothetical instance our lone Aussie is from an older generation, derided as ‘boomer,’ whether they are or not. He has just experienced the cultural alienation of liberal-global policies enacted by all sides of politics, but he has that added sense of rejection from the youth of his own tribe. They demarcate along ageist lines, and even though none of them remembers an Australia that wasn’t like this, they have moved to exclude him as irrelevant. Meanwhile, they fail to realise how truly cosmopolitan they are. For one thing, the old Aussie ‘strine’ is all but extinct in the metropolitan areas, replaced by a more even timbre that reflects the confluence of dialects that shaped it. This is why the typical London youth speak in a patois that is reflective of the pidgin English it has absorbed. Noticing that depresses our lone Aussie even more. But then, he has much to depress him.He is white, single and a heterosexual male, and therefore finds relevance nowhere. But a trip to the heart of the city—a city he once thought of as his—is now an atrocity exhibition designed to smash whatever debris of his morale remains. The heart of Sydney city is uniquely Asian in appearance and character. But the digital transformation of society has now stripped that city of once joyous shops that truly were diverse in their wares. Now it’s all digital boutiques, fashion outlets, food and convenience stores on every corner. The architecture is as alien as the people shadowed beneath. He feels the need to visit the pub, but the price of a beer is so astronomical that even the inclusivity of the old Aussie drinking establishment is economically out of bounds.Having ultimately nowhere to go, and with nobody to visit, he returns home. The bus back is as bad as, if not worse than, morning, now that peak hour has taken over. He cannot find a seat and none of the young Asian or Indian schoolkids on this government bus will volunteer theirs. To the right of him in a seat is a black youth who is conspicuously behaving black to signal his ‘type’. He has braided hair, wears the type of gear that ‘ghetto’ blacks would, and is playing some contemporary variety of atonal hip-hop on his phone which he deliberately holds up to his ear. The Indians to the left of him speak loudly in their bout-bout sounding accents over the loudspeaker of their phones while the Arab youths dominate at the back of the bus with unruly behaviour.
Alighting at his stop, he finds the suburb where he grew up and returned to decades later unrecognisable. It is an Arab enclave and hijabs and olive-skinned men and boys with beards abound. He must be careful here because the youth regard all non-Arabs as game, and several times a year they challenge him in infantile confrontations. He can go nowhere to complain. And all the while these loathsome ‘others’—including their liberal and feminist champions—are living on the happy security won for them by a generation who sacrificed and toiled in the Great Patriotic War Against the Japanese, a conflict so quintessential to the existence of modern Australia that it is soundly ignored by the architects of new liberalism who created the hell he just walked through.But he cannot vote his way out of this because the only ones even remotely near the parliamentary power system are all striving so hard to demonstrate their multicultural sensibilities to a supposed ‘nationalist’ audience that they have contradicted the very basis of their newfound populism among hereditary Australians. Anything stronger—anything evoking the old Australia of the labour tradition—is quickly silenced by the unification of these ‘populism chasing’ right-wingers and their satellites.So, he cooks himself a humble meal, puts on an old movie, and tries to forget it’s 2026. All the while he knows that defeatism will not make him feel any better, but being all that we’ve described, he has but to wait out his time when none of it will matter anymore.
