I was at the No Frills on Upper James when I saw a woman, who appeared to be of Indian background, sitting outside with a sign asking for money to help pay her rent.
( Before I continue, she had a heavy Indian accent, which leads me to believe this was not her country of birth )
My first reaction was that newcomers already have access to various settlement programs and forms of government support. But then I started thinking about the bigger picture. What if the enormous population growth Canada has allowed is now beginning to hurt the very newcomers it was supposed to help?
When housing supply doesn’t keep pace with population growth, rents rise. When more people are competing for entry-level jobs, employment becomes harder to find. When food, transportation and basic necessities become more expensive, everybody at the lower end of the income scale gets squeezed, whether they were born here or arrived last year.
And that brings me to the larger problem.
Ontario Works caseloads are climbing. Food-bank use across Canada has essentially doubled since 2019. Ontario food-bank visits have increased by more than 120%. Here in Hamilton, food-bank use has risen dramatically, homelessness remains extremely high, and encampments have become a far more visible part of everyday life.
Canadians are struggling to pay rent, buy groceries, find affordable housing and secure decent-paying jobs.
My own daughter attended Mohawk College and estimated that 80 to 90% of one of her classes was made up of students of Indian background. I’m not blaming those students for applying. I’m questioning how Canada’s immigration and college systems were allowed to become so heavily dependent on enormous numbers of international students, especially when international students pay colleges several times what Canadian students do.
And I’m not just talking about international students. I’m talking about the total number of permanent immigrants, temporary workers, international students, refugees and asylum seekers entering Canada.
Immigration obviously didn’t cause every homeless person, every food-bank visit or every Ontario Works case.
But the question is still completely legitimate:
If welfare caseloads are increasing, food banks are breaking records, homelessness is rising, housing is unaffordable, healthcare is overwhelmed and Canadians are already struggling, why is the government continually increasing the population faster than Canada could build the housing, infrastructure and services needed to support it?
Immigration should benefit Canada, and it should also give newcomers a genuine chance to succeed once they arrive.
The number of people entering this country should be based on how many people Canada can realistically house, employ and support.
Build the capacity first.
Then set the immigration numbers.
Because bringing people into an affordability crisis and expecting both Canadians and newcomers to somehow absorb the consequences isn’t compassionate or intelligent policy.
At some point, we have to acknowledge that this is a real issue and one that can no longer be brushed aside.
I would imagine that many people who dismiss these concerns are simply fortunate enough not to be feeling the effects personally. But when someone is financially secure, comfortable and largely insulated from the consequences, it becomes very easy to tell everyone else that there is no problem. In my opinion, there is something deeply self-absorbed about that.
Canada cannot keep expanding its population while housing, healthcare, employment opportunities, social assistance and food-bank systems are already under this much pressure.
In my opinion, Canada needs to temporarily close, or at the very least drastically restrict, new admissions until we get these problems under control and build the capacity to properly support the people who are already here, both Canadian-born and newcomers alike.
That isn’t about hostility toward immigrants. It’s about recognizing that no system can absorb unlimited pressure without eventually failing the very people it is supposed to serve.
What are your thoughts? Do you think Canada should significantly reduce immigration until housing, healthcare, employment and affordability catch up? – Kristopher Hunter, Hamilton
What’s your opinions ?
- AI content to block out the eyes *
‘Inclusive’ hiring hampers research: report
‘Diversity … can lower performance’
TRISTIN HOPPER
2 Sep 2026
Canadian mandates on race-based hiring quotas in academia have done measurable damage to the country’s research productivity, according to a new report by the Macdonald-laurier Institute.
Ever since 2017, Canadian universities have been subject to strict identity-based hiring quotas as a condition of receiving federal research funding.
In recent years, this has resulted in a regular stream of academic job postings that are explicitly barred to straight, white men. Newfoundland’s Memorial University, for instance, advertised a tranche of five new jobs in April that were open only to “women; 2SLGBTQIA+ people; Indigenous peoples; racialized persons; and persons with disabilities.”
And according to a 54-page report published Tuesday, all of this identity-based hiring has yielded a notable drop off in the amount of Canadian research being published or cited by other scholars.
“Our analysis … confirms that diversity is not merely neutral but can lower performance,” reads the conclusion of The Equity-excellence Tradeoff report.
It added, “all told, ending EDI (equity, diversity and inclusion) initiatives in Canadian research should be a top priority for any responsible government.”
The report zeroed in on the $311-million per year Canada Research Chair program, the federal research fund with the most overt strictures on identity-based hiring.
The program funds 2,285 university-based Canada Research Chairs whose salary and office expenses are covered entirely by federal grant money. For a Tier 1 Canada Research Chair, for instance, schools receive $200,000 a year. For Tier 2, it’s $100,000 per year.
In return, schools must submit to federally set quotas on the race, gender and sexual characteristics of the researchers they’re allowed to hire.
According to the most recent “equity targets” published by the Government of Canada, Canada Research Chairs must be 22 per cent “racialized,” 4.9 per cent “Indigenous” and 50.9 per cent “women and gender equity-seeking groups.”
These targets take the form of regularly updated tables in which individual universities are told the precise number of Canada Research Chairs they’re required to hire in one of four “equity-deserving” groups.
Mcgill University’s most recent equity quotas, for instance, require the school to hire 34 “racialized” Canada
Research Chairs, five Indigenous Canada Research Chairs and 10 “persons with disabilities.”
The Canada Research Chair program began in 2000, but its identity mandates started only in 2017 under the oversight of then-prime minister Justin Trudeau. And in just nine years, the effect has been precipitous.
At the program’s launch, 80 per cent of Canada Research Chairs were white males. As of 2025, white males comprised just 25 per cent of the total.
Macdonald-laurier Institute analysts ranked the productivity of Canada Research Chairs both before and after the identity mandates.
What they determined was that the quantity and quality of Canada Research Chair scholarship had declined from between 10 per cent to 15 per cent, which the report attributed to the “non-meritorious appointment of less qualified Black, Indigenous, and female chairs.”
The report categorized the performance of 1,906 Canada Research Chairs by their “h-index,” a standard global measure of a scholar’s productivity and relevance.
An h-index ranks the number of papers in which a researcher is listed as an author, as well as the number of instances in which those papers have been cited by others, and then arrives at a number that is typically between one and 100.
Currently, Canada’s highest h-index belongs to Mcmaster University health researcher Gordon Guyatt. With his name on 1,715 publications and 366,582 citations, as of last count, he has an h-index of 290.
In a close second is another Mcmaster University health researcher, Salim Yusuf, with an h-index of 280.
The Macdonald-laurier Institute paper broke down the median h-index for different races of Canada Research Chairs, and found that the cohorts with the lowest research productivity are the same cohorts being given priority for academic jobs.
The average white or Asian male scholar, for instance, had an h-index of 39. For male scholars who were Black or Indigenous, meanwhile, the h-index came to 25.
There was also an h-index gap between women and men generally. Male Canada Research Chairs averaged an h-index of 38, while female scholars averaged 28.
From this, the paper concluded that the gradual replacement of high-achieving cohorts with lower-achieving ones was coming at the cost of lower quality research — at least in terms of h-index scores.
“There will be many cases in which female, Black, or Indigenous scholars will not impose a cost, but on average — underan Edidispensation in which race and sex considerations can outweigh scholarly merit — this will be the case,” it said.
As one example, the paper noted that in instances where a university took a position previously filled by a white or Asian scholar, and filled it with a Black or Indigenous hire, that’s likely to entail an “average loss of 3.2 h-index points.”
Greetings to Pastor Robb’s Congress: The Dominion Society, An Up and Coming Immigration Force in Canada
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NPrU99LzTxGWDEWWtVEWQtWVLR0rL3Wg/view
When asked whether Japan will welcome more immigrants, Japanese Finance Minister Katayama said, “We are not imagining a situation where our society will be like European countries.”
She also spoke about when she was in France for two years and noted that even though immigrants from former French colonies speak French, there was still a feeling among French people that they are of a different culture, like how Japanese people feel they are also of a different culture.
| THE ONLY AUSSIE ON THE BUS How many Australians in our big, Babylonic cities understand how it feels to be the only Aussie on public transport? How many experience that feeling of demoralisation that comes from effectively being the stranger? For, no matter how ‘diverse’ they make it for the ‘others,’ they are united in their otherness—being ‘strangers’ assimilates and empowers them in the greater body of migrants. It is them against us, but lately the ‘us’ component is purely subjective given our apparent scarcity. In most instances, if they even think about it, the ‘other’ likely feels schadenfreude at our revised status. tThey have changed the patient habits of Australians of yore—such as respecting queues, giving up your seat for the infirm or elderly—and frantically steal ahead of others waiting for trains or buses. They will plant themselves in a seat (not all, but a lot) and disregard the common courtesies that we took for granted in the pre-Zoomer generation. In all honesty, it depends on the race, and that person’s level of culture and education, but the best of any people is its absolute minority. One good apple does not excuse a rotten barrel; thus, other anti-social behaviours consume what should be a quiet period of travel.Australia has never been a perfect idyll; yobbish behaviour has plagued our public transport in the form of drunks and obnoxious teenagers. But rather than help change that regrettable inevitability in even a homogeneous society, they have brought their ‘ways’ as per the contract of multiculturalism. For multiculturalism demands no assimilation; it excuses the migrant to form their own enclaves and maintain their language, culture and ‘traditions.’ When coming from a hectic, formerly described ‘third world’ environment these habits persist. But this is tempered by the new morality (or absence of it) based around the digital age, which ensures everybody is entranced in their phone, either studying pages, or listening to TikTok videos, or music. In this latter situation, even headphones do little to mute the irritating noise a passenger generates. Migrants especially love to display their western status symbols, and phones are part of these, but when on hands-free they jabber loudly in conversations that could absolutely be had any other time but on a bus, then the feeling of alienation for the only Aussie on the bus is amplified to the point of resentment. The lone Aussie is now surrounded by various races, numerous languages, and none are his. But this vestibule of cultural detachment is a microcosmic chamber of whatever local destination that bus or train is likely headed to. To step from that experience to walking streets completely transformed by the other—making him a foreigner in his own land—delivers a cruel note to the heart.In this hypothetical instance our lone Aussie is from an older generation, derided as ‘boomer,’ whether they are or not. He has just experienced the cultural alienation of liberal-global policies enacted by all sides of politics, but he has that added sense of rejection from the youth of his own tribe. They demarcate along ageist lines, and even though none of them remembers an Australia that wasn’t like this, they have moved to exclude him as irrelevant. Meanwhile, they fail to realise how truly cosmopolitan they are. For one thing, the old Aussie ‘strine’ is all but extinct in the metropolitan areas, replaced by a more even timbre that reflects the confluence of dialects that shaped it. This is why the typical London youth speak in a patois that is reflective of the pidgin English it has absorbed. Noticing that depresses our lone Aussie even more. But then, he has much to depress him.He is white, single and a heterosexual male, and therefore finds relevance nowhere. But a trip to the heart of the city—a city he once thought of as his—is now an atrocity exhibition designed to smash whatever debris of his morale remains. The heart of Sydney city is uniquely Asian in appearance and character. But the digital transformation of society has now stripped that city of once joyous shops that truly were diverse in their wares. Now it’s all digital boutiques, fashion outlets, food and convenience stores on every corner. The architecture is as alien as the people shadowed beneath. He feels the need to visit the pub, but the price of a beer is so astronomical that even the inclusivity of the old Aussie drinking establishment is economically out of bounds.Having ultimately nowhere to go, and with nobody to visit, he returns home. The bus back is as bad as, if not worse than, morning, now that peak hour has taken over. He cannot find a seat and none of the young Asian or Indian schoolkids on this government bus will volunteer theirs. To the right of him in a seat is a black youth who is conspicuously behaving black to signal his ‘type’. He has braided hair, wears the type of gear that ‘ghetto’ blacks would, and is playing some contemporary variety of atonal hip-hop on his phone which he deliberately holds up to his ear. The Indians to the left of him speak loudly in their bout-bout sounding accents over the loudspeaker of their phones while the Arab youths dominate at the back of the bus with unruly behaviour. Alighting at his stop, he finds the suburb where he grew up and returned to decades later unrecognisable. It is an Arab enclave and hijabs and olive-skinned men and boys with beards abound. He must be careful here because the youth regard all non-Arabs as game, and several times a year they challenge him in infantile confrontations. He can go nowhere to complain. And all the while these loathsome ‘others’—including their liberal and feminist champions—are living on the happy security won for them by a generation who sacrificed and toiled in the Great Patriotic War Against the Japanese, a conflict so quintessential to the existence of modern Australia that it is soundly ignored by the architects of new liberalism who created the hell he just walked through.But he cannot vote his way out of this because the only ones even remotely near the parliamentary power system are all striving so hard to demonstrate their multicultural sensibilities to a supposed ‘nationalist’ audience that they have contradicted the very basis of their newfound populism among hereditary Australians. Anything stronger—anything evoking the old Australia of the labour tradition—is quickly silenced by the unification of these ‘populism chasing’ right-wingers and their satellites.So, he cooks himself a humble meal, puts on an old movie, and tries to forget it’s 2026. All the while he knows that defeatism will not make him feel any better, but being all that we’ve described, he has but to wait out his time when none of it will matter anymore. |
From the corruption of women proceeds the confusion of races;
from the confusion of races, the loss of memory;
from the loss of memory, all understanding;
and from this — all evil.
Australia’s Dan Ryan Interviews Peter Brimelow On The Anglosphere Immigration Disaster
Regardless of what the Anglosphere’s rent-seeking elites claim, it is a political and cultural unity–and gets the same damn diseases at exactly the same time.
Eva Vlaardingerbroek — What It Means to Be European & How We Must Save It
Justice Watch: Justice Frank Hoskins cuts Nigerian sex offender’s sentence after race and culture assessment
Omogbolahan “Teddy” Jegede was sentenced to two years in prison for sexually assaulting two women in 2022 and 2023.
Sheila Gunn Reid | August 18, 2026 | News | 5 Comments 
Source: CBC and Nova Scotia Courts
A Nova Scotia judge sentenced a former university football player convicted of sexually assaulting two women to two years behind bars, explicitly stating the sentence would have been “much higher” without an assessment examining the offender’s race and cultural background.
On December 17, 2025, Nova Scotia Supreme Court Justice Frank Hoskins sentenced 25-year-old Omogbolahan “Teddy” Jegede following his conviction by a jury earlier in 2025 for sexually assaulting two women at St. Francis Xavier University.
The attacks occurred in university residences in Antigonish in 2022 and 2023, approximately five months apart, as reported by the National Post.
One victim testified that Jegede choked her nearly to the point of unconsciousness. The other was forced to perform oral sex while Jegede physically controlled her movements. Both women described being physically dominated by Jegede.
“It should be noted that but, for the contents of the [this doesn’t apply if you’re White or Oriental] and all the mitigating factors surrounding Omogbolahan (Teddy) Jegede, this sentence would have been much higher,” Hoskins said in his sentencing decision.
The Crown sought a sentence of up to three years, while Jegede’s defence asked for a conditional sentence that would have allowed him to serve his punishment in the community.
Hoskins rejected the defence request, saying incarceration was necessary to express society’s condemnation of the crimes.
He imposed 18 months for the more violent sexual assault and six months for the other, for a total of two years. Jegede was also given three years of probation.
Central to the sentencing was an Impact of Race and Culture Assessment (IRCA), which examined Jegede’s experiences as a black immigrant to Canada.
Jegede was born in Lagos, Nigeria, and moved to Canada with his family in 2010. His family initially lived in Brampton, Ontario, before moving to Fort McMurray, Alberta. The court heard that Jegede experienced bullying as a child because of his accent and race and later felt isolated as a black student attending university in Antigonish.
The IRCA also examined academic difficulties, mental-health struggles and an absence of adult mentors while Jegede attended university.
“The absence of adult mentors or role models further exacerbated Mr. Jegede’s vulnerability,” Hoskins said while quoting the assessment.
Hoskins said the IRCA provided “valuable insight” into Jegede’s background from a social and cultural perspective.
At the same time, the judge acknowledged the seriousness of the crimes and the fact there were two separate victims.
Hoskins said the two offences occurring in similar circumstances only five months apart suggested Jegede “may be dangerous.” He also identified the violence and invasive nature of the assaults as a primary aggravating factor.
Despite those findings, Hoskins suggested Jegede could be a candidate for early release.
“I think Mr. Jegede will be a really good candidate for probably early parole given everything I’ve read,” he said.
The use of IRCAs was expanded with federal funding under former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s government. In April 2021, then-justice minister David Lametti announced $6.64 million over five years, followed by $1.6 million annually, to support their implementation across Canada.
The Justice Department said the assessments are intended to help sentencing judges understand how factors including “poverty, marginalization, racism, and social exclusion” have affected an offender and their life experiences.
In Jegede’s case, Hoskins was explicit about the assessment’s effect on the punishment: without the IRCA, pre-sentence report and other mitigating factors, he said the prison sentence would have been “much higher.” (The Rebel, August 18, 2026)
How the Black Discount in Sentencing Works in Our Anti-White Courts
Justice Watch: Justice Frank Hoskins cuts Nigerian sex offender’s sentence after race and culture assessment
Omogbolahan “Teddy” Jegede was sentenced to two years in prison for sexually assaulting two women in 2022 and 2023.Sheila Gunn Reid | August 18, 2026 | News | 5 Comments