
Europe Wakes Up: Parliament Greenlights Historic Mass Deportations to Save the Continent
The European Parliament just delivered a long-overdue slap to open-borders globalism. In a major vote on March 26, 2026, MEPs backed a right-wing compromise on the EU Return Regulation, paving the way for faster, tougher deportations of illegal migrants who have no right to stay.
This isn’t window dressing. The deal strengthens enforcement with external “return hubs” outside EU borders, longer detention periods, and streamlined procedures to actually remove rejected asylum seekers and border jumpers. For years, the system has been a joke: orders to leave pile up, but actual returns hover pathetically low—often under 20-30 percent—while Europe absorbs wave after wave of unchecked arrivals. Greece alone has shouldered 46 percent of undocumented entries since 2015 and has had enough, suspending asylum processing and pushing hard for real action.
Greek MEP Afroditi Latinopoulou captured the fire in the belly of every patriot watching: “Begin mass deportations immediately. Kick them out before Europe dies.” Her words cut through the usual EU fog. Countries like Hungary and Poland have shown the way with strict controls and zero tolerance for invasion-by-migration. Now the rest of the bloc is finally catching on, driven by voters sick of crime spikes, strained welfare systems, no-go zones, and the demographic replacement pushed under UN-style schemes that treat Europe like a hotel with no checkout policy.
The left and open-border activists are howling about “rights” and “regression,” but ordinary Europeans know the truth: endless illegal migration isn’t compassion—it’s suicide. It enriches smugglers, burdens taxpayers, erodes social cohesion, and threatens the very identity and safety of the continent. Low return rates have turned rejection into a revolving door.
This vote marks a turning point. Nationalists and conservatives forced the issue, breaking through the old centrist-left blockade. Implementation won’t be automatic—negotiations with member states loom—but the momentum is real. Europe is choosing survival over self-destruction. Borders matter. Sovereignty matters. Sending illegal entrants home is not extreme; it’s basic common sense and the bare minimum to preserve Western civilization.
The UN Replacement Migration dream is cracking. Time to follow through with actual removals—millions of them if that’s what it takes. Europe for Europeans.
“Equity” Means Anti-White Discrimination in the Courts & Employment & Means Coddling Coloured Criminals
Bruce Pardy: Racial discounts for violent criminals was inevitable in equity-obsessed Canada https://canadafirst.nfshost.com/?p=4898
The Supreme Court ensured the Charter would never guarantee equality under the law
Author of the article:
By Bruce Pardy
Published Mar 22, 2026

In December 2021, Everton Downey stabbed his girlfriend Melissa Blimkie 15 times in a stairwell at a shopping mall in Burnaby. She died. Downey was convicted of second-degree murder. In February, the British Columbia Supreme Court sentenced him to life in prison, the minimum sentence set out in the Criminal Code. The Crown sought no chance for parole for at least 15 years. But Associate Chief Justice Heather Holmes decided on 12 years instead, in part because of “mitigating circumstances of his background,” as described in his Impact of Race and Culture Assessment (IRCA). The time to parole was reduced because of Downey’s experience of being Black.
Race-based sentencing has become commonplace in Canada. The sentence doesn’t fit the crime but the identity of the criminal. “Racialized” offenders, especially Indigenous and Black, may have their sentences reduced because of “overt and systemic discrimination.” So the Supreme Court of Canada said last July. The Criminal Code directs judges to consider “the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders” in setting sentences. The Supreme Court has suggested that “inquiring into social context” of other racial groups can provide guidance “to understand the particular experience of an offender and their moral culpability.” It doesn’t matter if you’re black or white, Michael Jackson sang. He wasn’t referring to Canadian courts.
It’s not just criminal sentencing. From employment opportunities, government programs and subsidies, seats in university programs, and myriad other ways, Canadian laws and institutions treat different races, sexes, and genders differently. They provide more favourable or lenient criteria to “historically disadvantaged groups.” Which are all of them. Except straight white men, of course.
How can this be? Doesn’t the law prohibit discrimination? In Canada, the answer is no. Americans have a constitutional right to equal protection of the law. Canadians don’t.
The text of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms suggests that they do. Section 15(1) says that every individual “is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination.” The Charter was adopted in 1982, but section 15 did not come into force until April 1985. The Supreme Court of Canada did not decide its first case under section 15 until 1989. In the interim, another development would have a significant impact on the path of equality law in Canada.
In 1984, the federal government established the “Royal Commission on Equality in Employment,” also known as the Abella Commission after its commissioner Rosalie Abella, later a judge of the Supreme Court (now retired). The commission’s mandate was to enquire into employment discrimination in Canada, particularly against women and visible minorities. Its report, released in 1985, recommended employment equity policies in the federal government and in federally regulated companies. Those recommendations led to the passage of the federal Employment Equity Act in 1986. It required federal employers to “ensure that persons in designated groups achieve a degree of representation in each occupational group in the employer’s workforce” that reflected their representation in the Canadian workforce. In other words, it directed federally regulated employers to adopt affirmative action programs that gave preference to candidates from some groups over others. It mandated unequal treatment, or equity.
As a mere statute, not part of the Constitution, the Employment Equity Act did not bind the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Charter’s equality provision. But the Act was newly in place when the Supreme Court heard its first case under section 15. The Court decided that section 15(1) required “substantive equality.” Which means equal or comparative benefits and burdens. Which means equal or comparable outcomes between groups. Which may require different rules for different groups. Which means equity.
Section 15 also includes an exception. Section 15(2) allows for laws and programs that aim to ameliorate “conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups.” The Supreme Court of Canada has since made the exception into the general rule. Sections 15(1) and (2), it declared in 2008, “work together to confirm s. 15’s purpose of furthering substantive equality.” Which means equity.
Race-based criminal sentencing is not an automatic discount. It’s not a coupon or a “get-out-of-jail-free” card. The court takes the background and circumstances of “racialized” individuals into account. But that is exactly the problem. Defenders of the practice would say that the court is merely ascertaining culpability of the individual accused. But if that were so, the same considerations and potential reductions would be available to the accused of any racial group. White guys don’t get Gladue Reports or Impact of Race and Culture Assessments.
In Canada, legal equality now means equity. Equity means unequal treatment. The same laws and standards do not apply to everyone. Instead, laws and institutions can treat different identity groups differently. In criminal sentencing, as in applications for jobs, schools, and programs, some Canadians are more equal than others. Canada’s justice system is broken. To fix it, equity must go. (National Post, March 21, 2026)
Bruce Pardy is executive director of Rights Probe and professor of law at Queen’s University.






