An image of Winnipeg’s National Microbiology Laboratory. Photo by Photo Courtesy of the National Microbiology Laboratory
Canadian public health authorities didn’t have to let the Wuhan Institute of Virology infiltrate and co-opt our country’s highest-security biolab. The warning signs had been there for years, and no one to our knowledge was holding a gun to the heads of the rubber-stampers who authorized a security-threat-flagged scientist’s shipment of live Ebola back to the motherland.
That’s part of why the latest report from the House of Commons committee on China, released Tuesday (conveniently, on the day of the American presidential election), is such a puzzling read. Though a lot of the information contained within has previously trickled into public knowledge, through reporting, committee hearings and released records, the Commons committee’s synthesis shows how Canadian authorities reacted with the haste of a slug — and continue to leave gaping holes in the security of research that can literally be weaponized against human health.
The report sets out a comedy of errors that preceded the 2019 expulsion of scientists Dr. Xiangguo Qiu and Keding Cheng, both Canadian citizens from China working at the Winnipeg National Microbiology Lab, who were ousted for “administrative” reasons.
The husband-wife pair was hired back in 2003 and 2006, respectively, but a decade later began showing suspicious links to Chinese research programs. In 2012, wife Qiu began collaborating with a Chinese military virologist specializing in “bio-defence and bio-terrorism.”
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In 2016, she was nominated by a Chinese military official for an “International Cooperation Award,” which nodded to her work with the military bioweapons expert and stated that she “used Canada’s Level 4 Biosecurity Laboratory as a base to assist China to improve its capability to fight highly pathogenic pathogens … and achieved brilliant results.” She published a paper with military-linked colleagues sometime afterward, and became a visiting professor at the Academy of Military Medical Sciences working on infectious disease — a position that she left out of her English CV.
In 2017, PHAC greenlit Qiu to travel to Beijing for a conference — but from there, unbeknownst to PHAC, she travelled to the Wuhan Institute of Virology to present on Ebola vaccines. Later that year, PHAC approved Qiu to train others at the Wuhan lab. Around this time or later, via the Wuhan lab, she applied for the Chinese government’s Thousand Talents Program which incentivizes members to clandestinely send overseas research back to China.
After Qiu signed up, the suspicious activity accelerated. In February 2018, she brought over an employee from the Wuhan lab to join her at the Winnipeg lab. In April, she returned to China to “visit family,” with travel expenses paid for by a Chinese biotech firm. In May, Cheung received protein samples from China labelled “kitchen utensils.”
In April 2018, Qiu and Cheung were finally flagged as possible insider threats after CSIS briefed PHAC on foreign interference.
The warning made its way up the chain at a snail’s pace: PHAC’s national security found a suspicious Chinese patent including Qiu in September; the PHAC president was briefed in December, and ordered a private firm to investigate. The private firm tasked with the job concluded in March 2019 that more investigations were needed (duh). PHAC leadership contemplated an internal investigation and finally called the RCMP in May. CSIS began investigations in June.
In July, the scientists were finally kicked out of the lab.
During the entire time that authorities were groggily waking up to the idea that these top scientists might be working as agents for a foreign government, the scientists accelerated their pace. Qiu flew back to the Wuhan lab — with PHAC’s approval — where she was now a “visiting research scientist.” Qiu’s staff recruit from Wuhun was caught trying to sneak tubes out of the Winnipeg lab. The Winnipeg security began noticing a suspicious number of visitors walking around the lab unattended. Cheng tried to enter the lab with another employee’s passcode. Qiu shipped a live sample of Ebola back to the Wuhan lab — again, with PHAC’s approval.
The final stages of a fatal Ebola infection (that is, about half of all Ebola infections) involve profusely bleeding from one’s eyes, nose, mouth and rectum. It’s absolutely not the kind of virus you want getting into the wrong hands, say, those of an unfriendly government whose modified virus experiments have been “credibly suggested” to have escaped from its labs.
Nevertheless, it was only after the scientists’ exile that a CSIS investigation determined that their continued presence at the Winnipeg lab would pose a national security threat. They were formally fired in 2021, and have since disappeared to who knows where — yes, they were permitted to leave the country after the debacle.
The entire period of infiltration was lined with an attitude of nonchalance by government officials who appeared at the China committee. The Winnipeg lab director at the time defended the lab’s slow response by stating that neither CSIS nor PHAC advised him to kick the scientists out; he handwaved approving the Ebola-by-mail. The PHAC president justified the long timeline with the thoroughness of the investigation.
Only former CSIS director Richard Fadden was the voice of reason: “too long,” was his assessment of the kicking-out.
On the health and research side, the passive attitude seems to go all the way up to the top. Security-wise, Canada brought in a new research policy in January 2024 restricting government funding from supporting research on “sensitive technology” (weapons, surveillance, AI, space, etc.) with any connection to certain suspicious research organizations.
The list of collaborators banned from receiving Canadian funding includes only Chinese, Russian and Iranian schools and military units. Not on the list, however, is the Wuhan Institute of Virology, which has already benefitted from exploited Canadian research once. It’s also known for possibly being the place that accidentally started a pandemic by letting COVID out of the lab, which doesn’t inspire confidence when it comes to handling our mail-in Ebola.
The House of Commons China committee is wisely recommending that the Wuhan lab be added to the list of research collaborators ineligible for Canadian taxpayer support, and, more wisely, the end to all government research teamwork with China on sensitive matters.
It’s further recommended that Canada come up with a list of “trusted” countries which will be the sole permitted recipients of highly dangerous live viruses that could kill millions if unleashed. Because, it turns out, we didn’t have one.
But under all this is a problem that’s going to take more than a committee to solve. Careless lab directors can still allow suspicious lab staff to send live pathogen samples to unfriendly countries. Research dollars can be siphoned off to support places like the Wuhan lab. Half-measures and painstakingly laggy responses are endemic to this government, and this weakness will continue to make us a prime target.
Red Chinese Consulate interfered in re-election bid of former Conservative MP: report
Kenny Chiu, a former Conservative MP who unsuccessfully tried to pass foreign registry legislation, was targeted by Chinese agents for attacking Beijing’s human rights infringements, particularly in Hong Kong.
The Canadian Press / Sean Kilpatrick
Chinese consular officials in Vancouver orchestrated a targeted campaign against Conservative MP Kenny Chiu during the 2021 federal election, validating his claims that foreign interference played a crucial role in his electoral defeat.
Initiated in December 2022, the investigation found British Columbians of Chinese descent voted with direction from Chinese officials in Beijing. The Hogue Commission, which oversees the inquiry into foreign interference, learned that agents used an atmosphere of fear and media manipulation to compel voters.
Foreign ownership of Canadian media outlets also posed concerns, raising the potential that broadcasting regulations were violated.
That said, there is insufficient legal basis to pursue charges under current Canadian laws, reportedThe Bureau. Investigators say prosecution requires a high burden of proof.
Fines of $5,000 under the Election Act do not adequately deter foreign interference in Canadian elections.
“However, we are satisfied that foreign influence was exercised in the Chinese Canadian community in Greater Vancouver,” the investigation found. MP Chiu has repeatedly attributed his 2021 election defeat to foreign interference.
The former Conservative MP was targeted for attacking China’s record on human rights, particularly Hong Kong, and his failed attempt to pass foreign registry legislation, according to officials.
The tenured member of Parliament introduced Bill C-282, An Act to establish the Foreign Influence Registry, months before the 2021 general election to try to establish the Foreign Influence Registry.
“As an immigrant, it is already very challenging to build a life here in Canada,” Chiu said, who immigrated from Hong Kong as a schoolboy in 1982.
A 112-page report, compiled by the Commissioner of Canada Elections (OCCE), revealed Vancouver’s Chinese Consulate corroborated with local Chinese Canadian associations and media outlets to undermine Chiu’s reelection bid.
Chinese-language media and social media channels, primarily WeChat, portrayed MP Chiu as anti-Chinese and racist.
“When I [went] door knocking…there have been supporters of mine who just shut the door in my face,” said Chiu. “There [was] so much hatred that I sense.”
Findings contend Vancouver community leaders allegedly worked for China’s United Front Work Department to interfere in elections.
Evidence showed Chinese state media apparently posted false reports on Bill C-282, claiming it would put Chinese Canadians behind bars for supporting mainland China, reportedBlacklock’s Reporter.
However, investigators could not probe funding tied to the ‘disinformation’ campaign, as they could not identify victims intimidated by foreign agents.
“We need witnesses that are willing to testify,” said Carmen Boucher, OCCE Executive Director, who testified that the Chinese diaspora is reluctant to come forward because of intimidation.
In one redacted passage, an unidentified witness said a community leader allegedly bragged about defeating MP Chiu with help from the United Front networks.
At the Foreign Interference Commission, MP Chiu testified the Trudeau government “left him to drown” when Chinese agents targeted his campaign. “The government doesn’t seem to care,” he said.
A submission to the inquiry said Chinese proxies targeted Conservative candidates who supported the implementation of a foreign-agent registry.
The CSIS document adds further clarity to findings from a new Australian government report that quoted the WeChat allegations and questioned the federal response to Chinese meddling.
“You weren’t aware of any of these reports at the time?” asked Commission Counsel Matthew Ferguson. “No,” replied Chiu. “I have been betrayed,” he added.
MP Chiu lost re-election to Liberal candidate Parm Bains by 3,477 votes. Approximately 4,400 fewer residents voted for him in 2021 than in 2019 — of which nearly half translated into Liberal support.
In response, the Trudeau government quietly passed foreign interference legislation before the parliamentary summer recess. Bill C-70, An Act respecting countering foreign interference, will punish diplomats and other agents that target Canadian democracy. (The Rebel, September 18, 2024)
Published Jun 19, 2024 • Last updated 5 days ago • 5 minute read
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Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau attends the plenary session of the Summit on peace in Ukraine, at the luxury Burgenstock resort, near Lucerne, on June 15, 2024. (Photo by URS FLUEELER / POOL / AFP)
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In the ordinary course of heated political controversies, Canadians can sort out the issue that’s launching their politicians at one another’s throats. In the “foreign interference” upheaval that has in turns paralyzed, confounded and outraged Canada’s political class in recent days, we’re not even allowed to know what the federal party leaders are arguing about, exactly.
This doesn’t make the story easy to tell. It was already hard enough to determine when the story really begins, let alone figure how it will all end.
If we wanted to, we could push the beginning of the story back to 2003, when Beijing’s United Front Work Department boasted about electing six of its preferred candidates in Toronto. Three years later, the UFWD — China’s overseas strong-arming, “elite capture” and election-interference infrastructure — claimed electoral success for 10 of its 44 preferred Toronto-area candidates, according to an internal training manual uncovered by the Financial Times.
We could also begin the story with the way then Canadian Security Intelligence Service director Richard Fadden was thrown under the bus by Liberal and New Democratic Party MPs back in 2010, when he said several provincial and municipal politicians in Canada had come under Beijing’s influence, to a worrying degree. The charge against Fadden back then was led by the Liberals’ current health minister, Mark Holland.
But for the opening of this latest chapter, foreshadowed by a series of leaks from intelligence-agency whistleblowers going back to November 2022, we need only go back as far as June 3. That’s when an extraparliamentary oversight committee released a heavily-redacted, 84-page report that seemed to suggest that some MPs have been dallying in conduct bordering on treason.
In this way, the “foreign interference” story has revealed itself to be about something worse. Despite the huge blanked-out spaces the Prime Minister’s Office has insisted on imposing on the public record, all along this has really been a story about collusion, about certain of our politicians collaborating with hostile foreign powers to their own advantage and to further their own parties’ electoral prospects. Some MPs have been “semi-witting or witting” participants in the efforts of foreign states to interfere in Canada’s political life, the report found, particularly during the federal elections of 2019 and 2021.
This is hardly news to anyone who has been paying close attention, but the story has changed in the way its emphasis has shifted. It can no longer be told as a simple story about Canadian politicians as victims. In the story told by the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, Canadian politicians are the culprits.
In one key respect, however, it’s been the same story, for more than 20 years. While the NSICOP report alludes to bad behaviour on the part of India’s friends in Canada, and Pakistan, and Iran and Russia are mentioned almost in passing, it’s China’s deep involvement in Canada’s democratic processes and institutions that the NSICOP report emphasizes.
By the time of the 2019 federal election, the UFWD’s budget for overseas operations was $600 million, and CSIS assessed that year that Canada had become an “attractive and permissive target” for foreign meddling. Even so, NSICOP reported that same year, public engagement was “almost non-existent.” That, too, has changed.
The public is most definitely engaged now, despite the Trudeau government’s efforts over the past year and a half to shut everything down. By filibuster, by blocking evidence demanded by House of Commons committees, and by enlisting the China-friendly, Trudeau-friendly “special rapporteur” David Johnston in a failed whitewash, the Trudeau government expended every effort to make it all go away.
The Liberals evaded the demands for a public inquiry until their minority position in the House made it impossible to stop. Trudeau and his ministers insinuated that it was all just a big fuss manufactured by anti-Chinese racists, by incompetent CSIS officials, by sour-grapes losers among failed Conservative candidates, and by dubiously-motivated CSIS whistleblowers who deserved to be hunted down and prosecuted. None of it worked.
The release of the NSICOP report followed on the equally astonishing proceedings of the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in April. In hearings before Commissioner Justice Marie-Josée Hogue, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his officials gave every appearance of committing something close to perjury in their efforts to dispute, dismiss and deny the veracity of incriminating evidence presented by CSIS director David Vigneault. But it was the NSICOP report that left everyone with the worst kind of unanswered questions: Who are these “traitors” on Parliament Hill?
Officially, it’s necessarily a mystery. That’s because huge swaths of the NSICOP report were redacted and expunged by the Prime Minister’s Office on the grounds that the content would be “injurious to national security, national defence or international relations,” or would violate “solicitor-client privilege.” Making things even foggier, NSICOP has been engaged in a running battle with senior officials in the PMO and several federal agencies over their habit of relying on “cabinet confidences” to withhold information. Last year, this rationale was used to blot out, in whole or in part, more than 1,000 documents NSICOP asked the government to disclose.
Even worse, Prime Minister Trudeau, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh and the Greens’ Elizabeth May, each having seen the unredacted version of the report, disagree quite dramatically about what it contains. Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre says he doesn’t want to be drawn into the cone of silence the NSICOP statute would require of him, so he doesn’t know which MPs are named in it.
Despite the furious arguments separating them on all that, there’s a weird circling of wagons going on. Everyone agrees that NSICOP has cast a “dark cloud” of suspicion over the House of Commons. All the party leaders broadly agreed last week that the unredacted version of the NSICOP report should be booted over to Justice Hogue to sort it all out. And separately, a series of national-security measures NSICOP had urged in vain on the Trudeau government for seven years is suddenly roaring through Parliament with all-party support.
Bill C-70 is already at the third-reading stage in the Senate after being introduced in the House of Commons only on May 6. Among other things, the bill contains a version of the foreign influence registry that the Liberals dragged their feet on for three years. First introduced in an April 13, 2021 private members bill tabled by Steveston — Richmond East Conservative MP Kenny Chiu, the registry was ferociously opposed by Beijing’s UFWD proxies in Canada. Chiu was defeated following a well-documented UFWD campaign to punish him at the polls.
Where things get particularly awkward for Trudeau’s Liberals is that leaked CSIS assessments consistently show that the UFWD had identified a very specific objective in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections: keeping the Conservatives out of office and ensuring a Liberal win, preferably in a more easily-manipulable minority government.
There is no way of knowing for certain whether any foreign-meddling effort in any riding in either of those federal elections influenced the vote outcome, one way or another. But however this story ends, it’s hard to see its final chapter containing the Trudeau government’s vindication. It’s much easier to imagine the story coming to a close in Justin Trudeau’s final disgrace.
Xiangguo Qiu’s ouster from the National Microbiology Laboratory in 2019 remained cloaked in mystery until a few days ago. Photo by MCpl Vincent Carbonneau, Rideau Hall/File
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In shutting down an ethics committee probe into just how it came to pass that two Beijing-linked scientists managed to get away with dangerously compromising security at the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, at least the Trudeau government is being consistent.
Ever since coming to power in 2015, the Liberals have chosen to hide the scope and extent of Beijing’s ever-expanding influence, interference and infiltration operations in Canada. By acts of obstruction, distraction and filibuster, the pattern is by now easily predictable. There’s nothing surprising about it anymore. The pattern played out exactly as you would imagine in the Winnipeg lab case.
In their zeal to keep the public in the dark about the goings-on at the top-security national infections diseases laboratory, the Liberals went to extraordinary lengths, not least an historic defiance of the convention of Parliamentary supremacy to the point of mounting a court challenge to thwart an order from the Speaker of the House of Commons to release documents relating to the affair.
It was only because a panel of judges eventually found that contrary to the Trudeau government’s claims about the too-sensitive nature of the documents — 600 pages in all — the barricade it built was mostly to protect itself from public embarrassment.
And it was only by releasing those documents that Canadians were permitted last week to learn that four years ago, the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service had determined that research scientist Xiangguo Qiu, a Public Health Canada employee at the lab, had been engaging in clandestine activity to the benefit of Xi Jinping’s regime by secretly sending scientific findings and materials to China.
As far back as 2018, Qiu’s husband Keding Cheng, also a Public Health Canada employee, was found to have allowed access to the Canadian Science Centre for Human and Animal Health by students he was supposed to be supervising. The students were observed trying to remove laboratory materials. Until they were both fired in 2021, Qiu and Cheng routinely violated security protocols and ethical conduct codes, and consistently lied about their unauthorized intimacies with sketchy Chinese state institutions and agencies.
CSIS determined that Cheng was stubbornly untruthful when subjected to questioning, and his responses to CSIS queries were “simply not credible, which reflects adversely on his personal trustworthiness and therefore his basic reliability, the primary building block of security clearance.” As for Qiu, her disregard for basic security protocols posed “a very serious and credible danger to the government of Canada as a whole,” CSIS found.
Just how these two managed to acquire security clearances in the first place is just one question that remains unanswered.
You’d think the Trudeau government would want the public to be well aware of this scandal, illustrating as it does the extreme national-security peril involved in any collaboration with the shadowy world of Chinese state agencies. These collaborations pose a threat to Canada’s national interests that Ottawa claims it wants Canadians — particularly Canadian scientists and university researchers — to better understand, and to guard against.
Instead, the Liberal government persists even now in keeping the public in the dark, by way of teaming with the New Democrats to roadblock an ethics committee probe into the Winnipeg lab affair.
It was only because of its minority position in the House of Commons back in 2019 that the Liberals failed in their efforts to block the establishment of a special standing committee to inquire into the weirdly opaque Canada-China relationship that Trudeau had cultivated and nurtured in the lead-up to Beijing’s hostage-diplomacy abduction of Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor.
Until then, the matter of Beijing’s vastly expanding shadow over Liberal fundraising, candidate-selection, trade policy and diplomatic priorities was held to be best left to the “experts” from Dominic Barton’s disgraced McKinsey empire and the palm-greasers at the Canada-China Business Council. The pattern seemed to break, but the Canada-China relations committee quickly found itself mired in gridlocks by Liberal members determined to turn the subject back to more parochial matters, and to make excuses based on the presumed implications for the Kovrig-Spavor kidnapping, and to level insinuations that it was “racist” merely to inquire too closely into Beijing’s proxies and their rumoured election shenanigans.
It took years of Liberal ambuscades and transparently bogus pretexts before Canada’s Five Eyes partners finally managed to arm-twist Ottawa to get with the program and at least bar China’s “national champion” telecom Huawei from the core structure of Canada’s fifth-generation (5G) internet rollout.
It took several months of explosive revelations about warnings from CSIS and other agencies to the effect that Beijing really was actively involved in monkey wrenching the 2019 and 2021 federal elections to the Liberals’ benefit before Trudeau decided for appearances’ sake to conjure something to impede calls for a public inquiry. The gambit was a “independent special rapporteur” whitewash undertaken by David Johnston, an old Trudeau family friend, and an especially solicitous and high-profile Canadian friend of China.
When that didn’t work, faced with the demands of several majority votes in the House of Commons, Team Trudeau managed to construct a public inquiry that so far shows every sign that it will extend as much in the way of protection to Beijing’s Liberal-friendly mandarin bloc proxies in Canada as to the Uyghurs, Hong Kongers, expatriate Chinese democrats and Falun Gong practitioners those same well-to-do proxies have been bullying, browbeating and intimidating all these years.
So best of luck to any Parliamentarians who would want an Ethics Committee probe or any other such open inquiry into how the hell the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg ended up a sieve of intellectual-property patents for Beijing’s benefit, and an open buffet for Beijing’s ravenous appetite for top-secret information about infectious diseases.
Any such initiative would allow Canadians to know things the Liberal government does not want any of us to know, and the pattern with these things is so predictable it’s becoming downright boring.
How the investigation and firing of two high-security virus scientists over leaks to China unfolded
Trudeau and the Ottawa elite, in general, have been blind as to Red China’s aggressive hostility and acquisitiveness. The Sidewinder Report, disowned and shredded in a panic by Jean Chretien, gave us fair warning. In this case there may well have been a huge transfer to lethal knowledge by these two Chinese scientists. Of course, the RCMP is “still investigating” — the pyramids were built faster — and we are kept substantially in the dark. — Paul Fromm
Canadians now know why Xiangguo Qiu and her husband, Keding Cheng were fired from Canada’s highest security lab more than three years ago
Published Mar 02, 2024 • Last updated 11 hours ago • 10 minute read
Xiangguo Qiu’s ouster from the National Microbiology Laboratory in 2019 remained cloaked in mystery until a few days ago. Photo by MCpl Vincent Carbonneau, Rideau Hall/File
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OTTAWA — After being kept in the dark for years, we now know why Xiangguo Qiu and her husband Keding Cheng were fired from Winnipeg’s National Microbiology Lab (NML), Canada’s highest security lab and the country’s only facility authorized to handle deadly viruses such as Ebola.
The federal government released on Wednesday more than 600 pages of documents, including top-secret CSIS assessments, investigations and internal emails detailing the reasons why the scientists were fired, why the process took so long and why it was shielded in opacity for national security reasons.
Qiu was a prominent scientist educated in China whose research at the NML included pathogens that posed significant risk. She was credited with research breakthroughs on the deadly Ebola virus and awarded a Governor General’s Innovation Award.
Then one day in July 2019, she was suddenly escorted out of the lab and subsequently fired, along with her husband, Keding Cheng, who also worked at the lab. For nearly five years, Canadians were in the dark as to what had happened.
At one point, in 2021, the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) was even found in contempt of Parliament for refusing to hand over documents related to the mystery, despite a majority of MPs (not including the Liberals) demanding to see them.
This week, we found out what was being kept so secret: the Canadian Security Intelligence Service alleges that Qiu “developed deep, cooperative relationships with a variety of People’s Republic of China institutions and has intentionally transferred scientific knowledge and materials to China in order to benefit the PRC government.”
She had shipped sensitive materials outside of the national microbiology lab without approval to foreign countries, they alleged. And they accused her of actively covering up, or outright lying, about her affiliations with Chinese institutions. And they allege that Cheng, her husband, participated in leaking secure information and the deception around it.
The National Post reviewed the 600 pages of investigations, assessments and emails, to put together a timeline of how the suspicions first arose, and how the security procedures subsequently played out.
Based on the documents, here’s how it all went down:
September 27, 2018
PHAC is advised that Qiu appeared as a listed inventor of a Chinese patent that may contain scientific information produced at the Canadian Sciences Centre for Human and Animal Health (CSCHAH) in Winnipeg, and that she shared the scientific data without permission. The patent was for an “inhibitor for Ebola virus.”
October 12 and 31, 2018
Allegations surface that Cheng potentially breached security policies regarding students under his supervision who tried to improperly remove laboratory materials from the CSCHAH.
One instance on Oct. 12, 2018, saw an attempted removal of two clear plastic bags, containing 10 vials each, by people known as “restricted visitors.” The incident on Oct. 31, 2018, saw other visitors accompanied by Cheng attempt to leave the CSCHAH with two empty Styrofoam containers.
PHAC’s National Security Management Division contracts a private firm, Presidia Security Consulting, to conduct a fact-finding investigation into allegations involving Qiu and Cheng.
January 27, 2019
Cheng creates a security incident by entering an incorrect passcode when he entered the CSCHAH. The code, it turned out, belonged to someone else.
The National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg. Xiangguo Qiu and her husband, Keding Cheng, were escorted out of the lab in July 2019, and later fired. Photo by John Woods/The Canadian Press/File
March 23, 2019
The fact-finding report conducted by Presidia Security Consulting finds that there were “numerous violations” of the IT policy in the labs, including staff signing into computers and then allowing “restricted visitors” to download experimental data onto private Gmail accounts, emailing it to their homes.
The report also reveals that in May 2018, Cheng was sent vials of mouse protein via courier from China marked as “kitchen utensils”. Cheng’s explanation that the broker deliberately mislabelled the package shipped from China for ease of shipping satisfied the investigator.
Regarding Qiu’s name appearing on the Chinese patent, the report found that top PHAC officials said that the likelihood of a researcher’s name appearing on a patent without the researcher being aware of it was “highly improbable” and that misstating a researcher’s name on a patent could rule it as invalid.
Qiu admitted that she had collaborated with the China National Institute for Food and Drug Control, which is attempting to develop an inhibitor to the Ebola virus, and sent them antibodies without an authorization, thus violating rules on intellectual property and material transfer agreement.
The report also indicates that the investigator later learned that other antibodies were transferred to Thomas Jefferson University, a private postsecondary institution in Philadelphia.
“The current situation has the potential to tarnish the reputation of the CSCHAH, the Public Health Agency of Canada and the Minister of Health and is recommended for further investigation to determine the breadth of any breaches of policy,” the report said.
July 5, 2019
Qiu and Cheng are each informed by the vice-president of the Infectious Disease Prevention and Control Branch at PHAC that an administrative investigation into their actions is being launched and that they are to remain home with pay pending the results of the investigation.
“Should it be determined that the allegations against you are founded, administrative and/or disciplinary measures, up to and including termination of employment, may be taken,” the letter said.
The administrative investigation report on Qiu finds that she violated numerous intellectual-property policies set out by PHAC. While she did have permission to provide small amounts of antibodies to trusted people and organizations, she had been doing so without authorization for at least two years.
Qiu was found to have her name on not one, but two Chinese patents, the second being a “detection method,” or test, for Marburg, a hemorrhagic fever similar to Ebola.
She claimed she had been listed without her knowledge, which made her “angry,” and she believed her research was not patentable because it was too weak.
Management at the National Microbiology Lab was not aware of the work she conducted on the two Chinese projects, the report said.
The report also shows that she “inappropriately disseminated, facilitated or authorized the dissemination of scientific data and other information” including to her personal computer and stored and shared data using unauthorized USB keys, despite being told not to use personal emails and data sharing multiple times.
A separate administrative investigation on Cheng found that he too violated directives on email management and gave access to unauthorized individuals to PHAC’s IT system.
Furthermore, Cheng admitted to conducting work with the Center for Disease Control and Prevention in China for a tick virus, which is outside of his scope of work, but said he did it out of his own self-interest, as the virus is deadly in his home province in China. The work was unknown to his supervisors.
The report determined that Cheng had also been “less than honest” about the package labelled kitchen utensils, and the incident “calls into question his honesty and integrity.”
A secret CSIS Act security assessment sent to PHAC’s executive director of security reveals that Qiu and Cheng were listed as co-authors on an NML research paper that included individuals linked to the Academy of Military Medical Sciences (AMMS) in China.
“Online information states AMMS is the highest medical research institution of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and has offensive Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) capabilities,” the document said.
The CSIS assessment of Qiu and Cheng found that, although the service has no reason to suggest that both individuals would “willingly” co-operate with a foreign power, they are both “susceptible to influence by a foreign state” that could result in information or materials leaving the lab.
CSIS assessed that there was a “strong possibility” that both individuals would continue to violate policies and procedures should they regain access to the National Microbiology Lab.
June 30, 2020
CSIS sends another security assessment to PHAC revealing that it has uncovered new information which “strongly calls into question” Qiu’s loyalty to Canada.
Qiu was “associated to multiple ‘talent programs’ administered and funded by various PRC entities, the most prominent one being the ‘Thousand Talents Program (TTP)’.” The TTP recruits Chinese experts from western nations to boost China’s national capabilities in science and technology.
One of the TTP applications according to CSIS declares Qiu as the applicant and the Wuhan Institute of Virology as the declaring entity, stating that her work term was from 2019 to 2022.
TTP participants are given up to $1 million in research subsidies and may enjoy preferential PRC tax and visa treatment, housing subsidies and prioritized medical care in China, the report said.
CSIS also uncovered the existence of an unfinalized employment agreement between Hebei Medical University in China and Qiu from 2018 to 2022. Qiu graduated from an immunology program at Hebei Medical University, which is located in Shijiazhuang.
The agreement stipulated that she would be provided with funding of approximately $1.2 million and that her compensation would be the equivalent of $15,000 per month when onsite
Qiu listed the Wuhan Institute of Virology, the Hebei Medical University, China’s National Institute for Food and Drug Control and the Beijing Institute of Biotechnology in CVs that were provided for Chinese audiences, security investigators discovered. But she had omitted her Chinese links on her CV when she provided it to Canadian audiences, including in her applications at PHAC.
CSIS discovered that Qiu was nominated for an “international cooperation award” by China’s Academy of Military Medical Sciences for using “Canada’s Level 4 Biosecurity Laboratory as a base to assist China to improve its capability to fight highly-pathogenic pathogens… and achieved brilliant results.”
Finally, CSIS uncovered an airline ticket for Qiu for travel to Beijing in April 2018, booked by an email address associated to CanSino, a Chinese vaccine company.
CSIS concluded that Qiu has developed “deep, cooperative relationships” with PRC institutions and “intentionally transferred scientific knowledge and materials to China in order to benefit the PRC Government, and herself, without regard for the implications to her employer or to Canada’s interests.”
“The Service therefore assesses that Ms. Qiu has engaged, may engage or may be induced to engage in activities that constitute a threat to the security of Canada as defined in the CSIS Act,” it concludes.
July 7, 2020
An updated CSIS security assessment of Cheng in July 2020 “calls into question” his reliability “as it relates to loyalty” given his “close personal and professional relationship” with his wife, Qiu.
The report reveals that Cheng was aware of his wife’s applications to China-sponsored “talent programs,” as well as her associations to PRC military institutes and related individuals, and that he was himself involved in an application for one of these “talent programs” in 2013, although it is unclear what came of it.
CSIS concluded that he could not credibly claim “complete ignorance” of his wife’s activities, as he did in his security interviews with the spy agency, and that he was therefore “not truthful.”
File photo of scientists working in Winnipeg’s National Microbiology Laboratory. Photo by Handout/National Microbiology Laboratory
August 5, 2020
Both scientists file grievances to PHAC in which they allege that the investigative and disciplinary processes were in violation of their collective agreement, that they were not afforded procedural fairness, and that they were victims of discrimination because they are Chinese.
They claimed that they were asked specific and personal questions regarding their connections to China as a result of racial profiling, and said they were loyal Canadian citizens.
August 20, 2020
Qiu and Cheng are notified by Health Canada, in separate letters, that their respective security statuses are suspended immediately, as is their pay, pending a review for cause.
PHAC’s vice president of the Infectious Disease Prevention and Control Branch reject both scientists’ grievances in separate letters, arguing that the allegations against them are “significant and complex” and that further consultation and investigation were required as new information emerged.
While the PHAC official sympathized with the “significant emotional toll” experienced as a result of this investigation, the official rejected any notion that the two scientists suffered any prejudice, or financial damages given that they had their full salary and benefits during the entire administrative investigation period.
“With respect to your allegation of discrimination, I can assure you that the employer acted only according to the information that was brought to its attention, and your ethnicity was never a factor in determining the course of action,” the official wrote.
November 30, 2020
A report of the review of Qiu’s security status from PHAC claims there were “frequent inconsistencies” in her statements concerning breached PHAC policies and she “deflected” her links to foreign entities. It said she often claimed a lack of memory about the matters in question and rebutted allegations of improper conduct.
“To this day, despite serious consequences, she refuses to acknowledge the seriousness of her actions on PHAC,” reads the report.
It adds that Qiu has been afforded “ample opportunities to be truthful and trustworthy but continues to make blanket denials, feign ignorance and at times provide explanations that are inconsistent with the evidence gathered.”
“It is assessed that Qiu can no longer be trusted and this poses such a security risk in the workplace that cannot be mitigated.”
As for Cheng, the report states that the information collected reflects “a recurring pattern of questionable judgement that may negatively affect the performance of duties” and may lead to “an inability or unwillingness to safeguard sensitive information, assets or facilities.”
It recommends that PHAC revoke both scientists’ reliability status and secret security clearance.
January 19, 2021
Qiu and Cheng are informed of the revocation of their reliability status and secret security clearances.
January 20, 2021
The Public Health Agency officially terminates both scientists’ employment, effective immediately. National Post
Government reveals new alleged Chinese-backed misinformation campaign against Conservative MP Michael Chong
‘Most of the activity centred on spreading false narratives about his identity,’ government said in statement about social media campaign Author of the article: Ryan Tumilty Published Aug 09, 2023 •
Conservative member of Parliament Michael Chong, middle, was a witness at the Procedure and House Affairs Committee on Parliament Hill last month. Photo by Sean Kilpatrick /THE CANADIAN PRESS
OTTAWA — Conservative MP Michael Chong has once again become a target of what the federal government suspects is a targeted misinformation campaign backed by China.
Global Affairs Canada’s Rapid Response Mechanism, a program the government set up to track misinformation, identified the campaign against Chong happening on the social media app WeChat between May 4 and May 13, during recent federal byelection races. The byelections did not involve Chong directly, but his Conservative party did compete.
Global Affairs found a network of accounts spreading false or misleading information about Chong. It found a third of the accounts likely have some link to the Chinese government, while two-thirds of the accounts were anonymous and had not previously promoted news stories about Canadian politics.
The accounts also seemed to be co-ordinated, pushing the information out at roughly the same time, increasing the chance that WeChat users would see it.
“Most of the activity centred on spreading false narratives about his identity, including commentary and claims about his background, political stances and family heritage,” according to a statement from the government.
Chong released a statement and said this is a troubling incident and the Liberals should be calling an inquiry into foreign interference.
“This is another serious example of the communist government in Beijing attempting to interfere in our democracy by targeting elected officials,” he said.
Chong has also said he has informed CSIS about direct threats he has received that he believes are from the Chinese government.
Chong said he appreciates the government informing him promptly this time, instead of waiting two years as it did when he was last targeted. He said the government needs to address all of these issues more quickly.
“The Trudeau government has failed to take several important actions to protect Canadians and our democracy. They have failed to introduce a foreign influence registry for those being paid to act on behalf of hostile foreign governments. They have failed to give our intelligence and law enforcement agencies the resources and tools they need to do their jobs.”
Chong also advocated for the government to expel Zhao Wei, a Chinese diplomat accused of being involved in the operation targeting his family. The government eventually expelled Zhao in May, after months of calls from the opposition, including Chong, to take that step.
Chong said the government should be taking a closer look at other Chinese officials in Canada.
Stephanie Carvin, a former national security analyst with the Canadian government now a professor at Carleton University, said it’s possible Chong was targeted, despite not being a candidate in the byelections because China doesn’t have a good grasp of how Canadian democracy works. It could also be that this was simply a trial run by Beijing for a bigger election campaign, she said.
“We do know that states that do online foreign interference; like Russia, like Iran, like China, absolutely experiment and practice before they do larger-scale things,” she said.
In its statement, the government also noted that the actions targeting Chong would appear to be a violation of WeChat’s own terms of service, but it detected no indication WeChat took any steps to do anything.
WeChat was developed by a Chinese software company and is wildly popular in China where it operates under the name Weixin.
Brian Lee Crowley, founder the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, a public policy think tank focused on Canadian national issues, has unpleasant things to say about China’s presence in Canada. Crowley pulls no punches in an article published this month by The Telegraph in the U.K.
‘Canada’s Secret Service Is Fighting A Hidden Civil War’
“The leaks reveal a China hell-bent on suborning Canadian institutions. The allegations include: charges of Chinese interference in elections at every level (federal, provincial and municipal), the existence of Chinese police stations operating with impunity on Canadian soil, the intimidation of Canadians and permanent residents of Chinese origin, and threats to the families of prominent Canadian politicians.”
A motherload of condemnation it is– from the foreign press. It’s Justin Trudeau’s good fortune that he has been successful in taking the anti-China wind out of media sails in Canada.
Stalling, excuses, futile appointments(David Johnson), obfuscation and delays. Government understand the methodology. Each time a piece of damnation bubbles to the political surface, drawing out conclusions for as long as possible is the remedy. Part of which is preventing articles like Crowley’s from penetrating the consciousness of Canadian society.
This man is no conspiracy theory-pushing flake. He holds degrees from McGill and the London School of Economics, including a doctorate in political economy from the latter. His doctoral thesis focused on F.A. Hayek’s social and political philosophy and was published by the Oxford University Press.
“This civil war doesn’t pit Quebec nationalists against English Canada, but centres instead on China.”
“For decades Canada’s national security establishment has sounded the alarm about foreign authoritarian interference. Their dire warnings were ignored.”
By the Liberal Party of Canada, that is. And why not? It’s a reciprocal relationship. The government of China prop-up Justin Trudeau, and in return receive open doors for communist infiltration of Canadian society.
Think this to be a paranoid delusion? Is it not a fact that ex-Liberal PM Pierre Trudeau was a communist enthusiast who opened the doors for China to waltz into Canada, impacting everything from mineral resources to public education.
Sam Cooper is a Canadian investigative journalist and best-selling author, best known for his coverage of Canada-China relations. In a recent article, Cooper writes:
“Based on recent information from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), those efforts allegedly involve payments through intermediaries to candidates affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
“Placing agents into the offices of MPs in order to influence policy, seeking to co-opt and corrupt former Canadian officials to gain leverage in Ottawa, and mounting aggressive campaigns to punish Canadian politicians whom the People’s Republic of China (PRC) views as threats to its interests.”
And still we wait in silence. In an authentic democratic society, inclusive of media independence, these developments would bring down the ruling government.
The fact that it isn’t happening tells us that Canada is no longer an authentic democracy. Adding to the absurdity is the fact that Trudeau’s Liberals are more concerned about uncovering and punishing those who leaked the information than preventing China’s infiltration of our federal political arena.
It’s a surreal experience not once alluded to by mainstream media. Their job has transitioned away from objective news reporting. As financed by the Feds, the role is monolithic in intent: to preserve Justin Trudeau’s pseudo-dictatorship indefinitely. If and when a replacement is appointed, CBC and corporate media will back that candidate.
On the opposite side of the political spectrum is the Conservative Party. Media’s goal here is equally one-dimensional. No matter who leads the party, depict that individual as “right-wing,” racist and homophobic. Crush their potential for victory at all costs.
All of which fits into the pro-China bag that government, media and academia currently work out of. It should come as no surprise that our government is today chock full of China-apologists.
One of them is Senator Yuen Pau Woo, arguably Canada’s greatest China-pusher, appointed to the Senate by PM Trudeau in 2016. Another goes back to the days of Conservative PM Stephen Harper.
Senator Victor Oh, Vice-Chair of the Canada-China Legislative Association, thinks that our China-detractors are serious meanies.
In a video posted to WeChat, Senator Oh spoke about the “need to raise money to cover costs for [people affected] by all of these unreasonable reporters who try to smear Chinese and discredit Chinese.”
Commonly known as the “race card,” we witness how the China-lovers conflate the issues to arrive at a favourite hobby indulged in by Justin Trudeau and his motley crew of neo-communists.
It’s “racism”– end of story. Senators Victor Oh and Yuen Pau Woo wish it was. Likely, they will get all they ask for. The Chinese interference will eventually blow over. Until this is achieved, no federal election will be called.
Upon which we leap to the Mount Everest of foreign infiltration in Canadian society:
Did the government of China win the past federal election for Justin Trudeau?
According to a series of reports in the Globe and Mail newspaper and by Global News, CSIS intelligence sources, “China provided secret funding through its Toronto consulate to 11 candidates who ran in the 2019 federal election.”
The popular vote was won by the Conservative Party, meaning that 11 ridings may have been enough to seal the deal for Trudeau’s Liberals. Media breathe not a word about the possibility.
Is China in charge, or what? It’s the $8,888,888 million dollar question which, more than likely, won’t be answered for decades, if ever.
Justin Trudeau empowers China, damages democracy, and because of media, gets away with it. Isn’t post-modern Canada just the greatest thing?
Red Chinese Diplomat in Canada Threatens Tory MP’s Relatives in China — Trudeau Does Nothing
Conservative MP Michael Chong says feds did not brief him on alleged threats to his family in China China sanctioned Chong in 2021, barring him from entering the county and prohibiting Chinese citizens from conducting business with him Author of the article: The Canadian Press Published May 01, 2023 • Last updated 1 day ago • 1 minute read 102 Comments FILE: Conservative foreign-affairs critic Michael Chong rises during Question Period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Monday, Feb. 13, 2023. Photo by THE CANADIAN PRESS/ Patrick Doyle
Conservative member of Parliament Michael Chong says Ottawa should have informed him about potential threats to his family made by China’s government. Chong released a statement after the Globe and Mail reported, citing a top-secret document and an anonymous national security source, that China’s intelligence service sought to target the MP and his family. The former cabinet minister currently serves as the Tories’ foreign-affairs critic and routinely criticizes the regime in Beijing for its human-rights record and its alleged attempts to meddle in Canada’s affairs. Chong says in a statement today that like other Canadians, he has family overseas — and any attempts to threaten them in an attempt to intimidate or coerce people in Canada constitutes a national threat. Chong says the Canadian Security Intelligence Service never briefed him about any threats made against him or his family, adding he believes that is because Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s office did not authorize such a warning.
[ Sources told the Globe that the MP is Conservative Michael Chong and that the diplomat in Canada handling the file, Zhao Wei, is still accredited to work in this country.] (National Post, May 2, 2023) Trudeau’s office and the security agency did not immediately respond to requests for comment and The Canadian Press has not independently verified the allegations published in the Globe and Mail. China sanctioned Chong in 2021, barring him from entering the county and prohibiting Chinese citizens from conducting business with him. — This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 1, 2
The Conservatives are crying foul over the appointment of former Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation president and CEO Morris Rosenberg to head up a panel examining foreign interference in Canadian elections.
Rosenberg was CEO in 2016 when the Trudeau Foundation received $200,000 in donations from Zhang Bin, a wealthy Chinese businessman tied to the Chinese communist regime, who was also in attendance at a Liberal Party cash-for-access fundraiser event in 2016 with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.
The Conservatives issued a statement on the matter late on Feb. 27, just before a Globe and Mail report the following day citing an unnamed national security source saying that in 2014, a Chinese diplomat had instructed Zhang to donate $1 million to the Trudeau Foundation, and that Beijing would reimburse him for the amount.
The source told the Globe that the conversation was captured by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) in 2014, soon after Trudeau became Liberal leader in 2013. According to the Globe, the source said the diplomat and Zhang discussed the upcoming 2015 federal election, and the possibility that the Liberals could defeat the Conservatives to form government.
Shortly after the 2016 fundraiser, Zhang and another Chinese businessman donated $1 million to “honour the memory and leadership” of former prime minister Pierre Trudeau, the Globe says. Of that amount, $200,000 went to the Trudeau Foundation, $50,000 toward the building of a statue of Pierre Trudeau, and $75,000 to the University of Montreal’s faculty of law, where the former prime minister had attended as a student and was later an instructor.
Panel
The Conservatives allege Trudeau handpicked Rosenberg, who is described by the Trudeau Foundation as “a previously appointed Trudeau mentor,” to write a report on foreign interference in the 2021 election.
The development comes following recent reporting based on leaked intelligence documents that China interfered in elections with the goal of electing a Liberal minority government, while obstructing some Conservative candidates.
“For months, Justin Trudeau has repeatedly attempted to deny, minimize and cover up reports of serious interference in Canadian elections,” says the Feb. 27 Conservative Party statement. “Serious questions must be asked about this appointment, and whether the Liberals are actually taking this threat against our democracy seriously.”
When tweeting the release, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre commented: “Trudeau says we shouldn’t worry about Beijing’s interference in our [elections] because he is having a report drafted on foreign interference. Who drafted it? The former head of the Trudeau Foundation—which got $200k in donations from … an official from Beijing’s communist government.”
Neither Rosenberg nor the Prime Minister’s Office replied to Epoch Times requests for comment.
Rosenberg, a former deputy minister of foreign affairs, served as president and CEO of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation from August 2014 to July 2018.
Liberal MP Mark Gerretsen, parliamentary secretary for the leader of the government in the House of Commons, said on Twitter that Poilievre is “playing a very dangerous game here.”
“To take partisan cheap shots at a dedicated public servant is truly irresponsible,” Gerretsen said on Feb. 27. “Morris Rosenberg has faithfully served Canadian (sic) for many years, including under Conservative governments.”
Rosenberg’s report on incidents of foreign interference in the 2021 election is now complete but is not yet available to the public, while the 2019 evaluation was completed about 13 months after the election that year. The panel didn’t make any announcement about foreign interference during the 2019 or 2021 elections.
CCP Ties
Zhang Bin was a member of the 12th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a political advisory body within the Chinese communist regime. He was also president of the China Cultural Industry Association (CCIA).
According to the CCIA’s English website, the organization is “empowered to develop China’s cultural industry, to boost the soft power of Chinese culture and advance the campaign of going global of [sic] Chinese culture, while striving to become a social organization with global standing in the cultural field.”
The Epoch Times contacted Zhang for comment but didn’t hear back.
China’s Election Interference
Recent reports by the Globe and Mail and Global News cited secret CSIS documents and intelligence sources detailing widespread election interference by China in Canada’s 2019 and 2021 federal elections.
Among the allegations are that Beijing provided funding to some candidates in the 2019 election; a Chinese diplomat boasting that she helped defeat two Conservative candidates whose positions weren’t favourable to Beijing in the 2021 election; and Chinese authorities wanting the outcome of the 2021 election to be a Liberal minority. A Liberal minority government would best serve Beijing’s interests, while keeping the Liberals’ power in check by opposition parties, a source told the Globe.
The Commons Procedure and House Affairs Committee is currently looking into the allegations in the news reports.
The Conservatives said they will be calling for a separate investigation, and for Rosenberg to appear before the committee to provide “answers on this attempt by the Liberals to paper over serious threats to our democracy.”
“Since the 1970s, there have been important political and economic pro-China vectors emanating out of Montreal and Ottawa.” byBrad Salzberg
“What in the world, you might be asking, is up with Canada? How did a country famed for its sensible, moderate attitudes and customs transform itself into the front rank of the woke phalanx?”
Who better than Dr. Jordan Peterson to pose this question to the people of Canada?It is of little surprise that such frank critique of PM Justin Trudeau should appear only within a non-Canadian media publication. By now, most Canadians would have recognized that citizens of our country are being subjected to a “woke media vacuum” within our dying democracy.“Canada, according to Trudeau, is a vacancy, bereft of civil history; a nothing place, waiting to be filled in. But nature abhors a vacuum, and that emptiness cries out to be filled. And who shall guide the infilling? Well obviously, Trudeau himself, along with his mentors and minions,” says Dr. Peterson. Absolutely correct. Early in his tenure, a specious Justin Trudeau blessed Canada with a piece of neo-communist ideology. His claim that our country is a nation with “no core identity” has opened the door for the next phase of our national state-of-being.Media won’t allude to it, but the words which Peterson speaks has set the stage for a post-modern brand of authoritarian governance in Canada.
Like presumed father Pierre Trudeau, PM Justin’s political cognition is firmly rooted in communist ideology.On this basis, no living Canadian should be surprised that Mr. Trudeau has put the kibosh on a formal inquiry into a CSIS report confirming interference from the government of China in the past two federal elections.‘Trudeau Rules Out Public Inquiry Into Chinese Electoral Interference,’ reads a headline this week in the Globe and Mail. No one should be surprised by the pronouncement.Legacy media has been doing all they can to provide damage control. PM Trudeau “knew about the interference, and warned Parliament accordingly.““The interference is damaging to Canadian democracy and related institutions,” reads the scroll of damage control.All the while eschewing a central fact within Canada’s political narrative: there is no human being on earth more responsible for a deterioration of freedom, democracy and the rule of law in Canada than Justin Trudeau.
Upon which Cultural Action Party repeat our well-worn mantra: The Liberal Party of Canada and the communist government of China have maintained a tacit form of partnership for the past 50-years. Beginning with former Liberal PM Pierre Trudeau in the early 1970’s, China’s path to power within our society is the most overlooked political story of our times.“In U.S. backyard: How China Embedded Itself In Canada”“
Since the 1970s, there have been important political and economic pro-China vectors emanating out of Montreal and Ottawa. Since then, that have broadened to influential pro-Beijing groups across Canada.”Extent to which this information has been disseminated within Canadian media? Blink, and you missed it– because it has never occurred.“Pierre Trudeau made no secret of his sympathies for communist leaders like Fidel Castro, and by the time he was elected Prime Minister, he had already visited China twice. He was there in 1949, the year the Communists took power, and then again on an official visit in 1960, when he was a labour lawyer. On the 1960s visit, he met Chairman Mao. After which CAP delve into an area intentionally hidden from mainstream society.
Quebec-centric power-players– of which the Trudeau family belong– have been responsible for the Liberal Party link to the communist government of China.In 1978 came the establishment of the Canada China Business Council. Founding members of CCBC included three major Montreal-based companies, Power Corporation,Bombardier, and SNC Lavalin.“For three generations, Power Corp. has been largely run by the Desmarais family. Paul Desmarais was the first generation. He had been an advisor to Pierre Trudeau, and later Trudeau was on the board of Power Corp. Paul’s son married the daughter of former Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. Their son, Paul’s grandson, is the current Chair of the Canada China Business Council.”There you have it. The roots of Justin Trudeau’s refusal to drill-down on China’s election interference.
Degree of exposure from Canadian media totals zero– a proverbial goose egg,Conveniently omitted from the Liberal-China narrative is another salient fact. The Conservative Party of Canada won the popular vote in the last federal election. Meaning that it is possible that the 11 MP seats bribed by China’s government could have won the election for the Conservatives.
Did China win the 2021 election for Justin Trudeau? It’s darn well possible–the very reason why the Liberals are leveraging the billions paid to establishment media to obfuscative the election interference.The government of China know their business. With or without the right to vote, Chinese government leader know all about maintaining long-term governance. Decade after decade, the same power structure exists to control for the purpose of controlling public behaviour, and muting all forms of push-back against government leaders.
CBC won’t tell you, and Toronto Star won’t print it, but the very same structure is currently in place in Canada. The goal is singular: the Liberals are to be Canada’s government-for-life. Utilizing China’s methodology of media control, the Liberal Party has transitioned to Canada’s first neo-communist government. To be followed, in due time, by the real thing.
The Canadian Press / Sean Kilpatrick
FILE: Conservative foreign-affairs critic Michael Chong rises during Question Period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Monday, Feb. 13, 2023. Photo by THE CANADIAN PRESS/ Patrick Doyle
