Immigration Wisdom from William Lyon Mackenzie King, Canada’s Longest Serving Prime Minister
Canadians never asked to be replaced.
Canadians never asked for “diversity”.
Diversity is not our greatest strength.
“Diversity” is a code word for anti-White, a code word for the replacement of of the European founding/settler people of Canada.
The Trashing of Canadian History to Help Usher in Our Replacement
The removal or desecration of statues on Canadian historical heroes is part of a psychological attack on the European founding/settler people of this country. The authorities have done little to the wrecking crew. Some cowardly self-haters like the City of Victoria have given in to the wrecking crew and removed the statue of the founder of our country Sir John A. Macdonald. Some will fault find and critique these heroes of the past. Sir John A. was hostile to Chinese immigration. So, too, were most Canadians at the time. Applying today’s politically correct sentiments misses the point. These men and women are being honoured for what they contributed or accomplished, not because they were saints.
Justin Trudeau’s habit of issuing fulsome apologies and buckets of cash to alleged victims of Canada’s past — the Komagata Maru, turning away the Jews on the St. Louis in 1939, etc. — leaves the impression that Old Stock Canada was a morally bereft country AND not worth preserving. If our history was rotten and our heroes all rotters, why should we seek to preserve ourselves and resist being replacement in the carefully organized Great Replacement of Canada’s European founding/settler people through mass Third World immigration
Attached are some random photos I found on the Internet.. Included with them are photos of PERUVIAN NATIONAL, MIGUEL AVILA VELARDE pictured with his local native militant friend, SKYLER WILLIAMS , in which the are gloating after the destruction of the EGERTON RYERSON statue . They destroyed it, with hammers, crowbars and a grinder…. WHY WERE THESE TWO NOT SENT TO JAIL??? THE EVIDENCE IS RIGHT THERE.
VELARDE was later involved in pulling down and damaging the JOHN A MACDONALD STATUE , by WADE,. in HAMILTON…… IF HE HAS BEEN IN JAIL, WHERE HE BELONGS, HE WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN ABLE TO DO THIS. NEXT, VELARDE JUST RAN FOR CITY COUNCIL IN WARD 13 ! This is so strange you could not dream it up ! Why was he not charged? Why is he not forcefully confronted and told, “if you think the country YOU chose to immigrate to is so racist, why did you not stay in Peru?
Doug Ford complained of the “desecration” of the Terry Fox statue in OTTAWA (someone draped a Canadian flag over it during the Freedom Convoy protests). Has he denounced the desecration of other statues or taken steps to protect and re-exhibit the Macdonald statue in Queen’s Park in 2020?It has been encased in plywood. It should be reopened and a permanent guard stationed there.
(The lettering on Mackenzie King is added and based on his quoted statements)….
| “The arrival of thousands of low-wage Asian labourers caused the September, 1907 Vancouver Riot” +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ The Arrival Of thousands of Low-Wage Asian Labourers Caused The September 1907 Vancouver Riot Labour Day, 2022 is the 115th anniversary of the 1907 Vancouver Riot. For many years, our media and our immigration industry have used the riot to tell Canadians how terrible the Vancouver population’s attacks were on Chinatown and Japantown. If anyone were to ask those who are saying these things where they were getting their information, 99% would have to admit they were merely parroting what they had been told by Canada’s low-life immigration industry, disgraceful media and arrogant ethnic groups. So let’s look at what really happened. Let’s start by asking one important question: Was there a connection between the unexpected arrival of about 11,500 Japanese, East Indians and Chinese in 1907 and the 1907 Vancouver Labour Day riot? There is clear evidence that there was. Before the riot, British Columbia had undoubtedly complained to Ottawa about the numbers of new arrivals in 1907. Sensitive to riots against Whites in China not long before and for which Whites had been compensated by China, Ottawa listened. Not long after the Vancouver riot, Ottawa sent its Deputy Minister of Labour, Mackenzie King, to Vancouver in order to conduct a Royal Commission which would determine how much compensation should be paid to (1) the Japanese and (2) the Chinese whose property had been damaged. While King was doing his work, Ottawa asked him to conduct another Royal Commission which would investigate why 11,500 Japanese, Chinese and East Indians had arrived in the first ten months of 1907. The population of Vancouver was about 60,000 at the time and an inflow of 11,500 would have been very noticeable. For legitimate reasons, the the Chinese in parts of colonized China did not want cultural and economic invasion. For similar reasons, the people of Vancouver felt the same way. Mackenzie King expressed Canada’s concern in in these words : “the influx of 8125 Japanese alone had “naturally caused great alarm and, if anything more were needed to occasion unrest, it was found in the simultaneous arrival from the Orient of Hindus by the hundreds and Chinese in larger numbers than in preceding years”. In other words, the concern of Canada and its workers, was legitimate. According to Dr. James Morton’s book “In The Sea Of Sterile Mountains”, about 30,000 of Vancouver’s 60,000 people participated in the parade through Vancouver streets that preceded the riot (P. 205)–an indication in 1907 of significant Vancouver support for an end to cheap labour. Obviously, many people at the time believed that the measures that Ottawa had taken up to 1907 were not having the desired effect of stopping the importation of cheap labour and the unfair employment competition it caused in the labour market. Chinese labour contractors were the key factor in the importing of Chinese labourers up to 1907. Almost all the Chinese labourers who traveled from China to Canada could never have afforded to pay transportation costs to come to Canada, so the Chinese contractors paid their traveling costs in much the same way that Chinese snakeheads pay the fares of Chinese illegals today. Although Canada and Japan negotiated “Gentleman’s Agreements” with the help of the Japanese Consul in Vancouver to restrict Japanese labourer inflows, China was in such political chaos that it was difficult for Canada to negotiate similar agreements with the Chinese government. That was the major reason why Canada took unilateral action (particularly Head Taxes) against Chinese labour-contractors. This was also done simply because the Chinese represented the majority of the cheap labour. Among the measures to restrict Chinese labourer inflow was the Chinese Labourer Head Tax. Note that the term “Chinese Head Tax” is incorrect. The term should be “Chinese Labourer Head Tax”. Chinese businessmen and their families, Chinese students and Chinese consuls were exempt from the Head Taxes. The first significant tax was $50 in 1886. Next was the $100 tax in 1901 and the $500 tax in 1904. Prior to 1904, Chinese business contractors had imported most of the Chinese labourers from China, but individual Chinese also became involved from 1904 on. When the $500 Head Tax was imposed, Chinese contractors began to find that there was no longer much profit in importing Chinese labourers and obtaining work for them. The result was that in the 3-year period immediately following the imposition of the $500 Head Tax, very few Chinese labourers came to Canada. With the drop in Chinese labourers, a Japanese immigration company, the Canadian Nippon Supply Company, saw a business opportunity. The problem was that its opportunity would undermine the measures that Ottawa had put into place to deter cheap Japanese labour. Without telling Ottawa, this company secretly and deviously arranged with the CPR to import between 500 and 2000 Japanese labourers to work in the CPR’s western Division which at that time employed around 5000 workers. The newcomers would represent a significant part of the entire western CPR work force. All the Japanese would be paid less than Canadian workers and would probably be displacing higher-paid workers. The Nippon Supply Company also secretly arranged to import about 500 Japanese labourers to work in the Dunsmuir family’s coal mines on Vancouver Island. These Japanese miner labourers would also be paid less than their Canadian counterparts. Rumours about these deals had circulated in 1907, but were confirmed only during Mackenzie King’s Royal Commission investigation after the riot. There is no question that the rumours were a major reason for the high turn-out in the parade. There is no question that B.C. worker frustration with this issue which had built up over many years was also a factor. In response to the frustration which had started in the late 1800’s, the British Columbia legislature had passed a large number of laws to curb Asian cheap labour, but almost all were disallowed by Ottawa. Because almost all of the Asians in Canada at that time were located in B.C. , MP’s and officials in other parts of Canada, who were isolated from the issue, found it hard to understand what British Columbians were complaining about. In Mackenzie King’s role as Deputy Minister of Labour, King stated clearly that although there were other minor reasons for conflict, the major factor in the conflict between locals and Asians was the economic advantage Asians had in the labour market. Labourers’ wages in Canada were considerably higher than those in Japan, China or India. For example, at cheap-labour wages in Canada, which contractors had set precedents for in the 1880’s and which cheap-labour-employees readily agreed to, Japanese labourers received 10 times the wage they were paid in their home country; Chinese labourers, 20 times; East Indians, around 50 times. Most Asians came to Canada as “sojourner” males, in contrast to the many married local labourers. In the 1901 Royal Commission Report, many B.C. residents testified that they had been displaced from work and knew of many other locals who had been forced to leave. Others complained that many potential married settlers had been discouraged from coming to B.C. because of low-wage labourers. A so-called “better life”, the cliched phrase used today by our immigration industry to sanctify and justify high immigration levels, really meant a “worse life” for Canadians displaced from their jobs in that era. There were several important results of King’s inquiry. One was that his investigation confirmed what the very extensive Royal Commission Report of 1901 had uncovered : (1) That a 1901 Royal Commission had heard much talk of Chinese labourers being brought here by Chinese labour contractors. However, there was little evidence about how the Chinese labourer contractors operated. The evidence King gathered on the Canadian Nippon Supply Company provided a picture of how the Japanese contractors worked and probably also a fairly good picture of the methods of the Chinese who had worked in the shadows for over 2 decades. It also showed that the contractors were involved in a very profitable business. In fact, some of the richest Chinese businessmen in Chinatown were involved in labour contracting. (2) King’s inquiry also demonstrated the chaos in Canada’s immigration system in 1907 and how labour disputes in far-off Hawaii could affect Canada. At that time, there were between 50,000 and 60,000 Japanese agricultural workers in Hawaii. Facing a cut in wages in Hawaii, thousands of Japanese labourers were encouraged by shipping companies and others to leave Hawaii for supposedly greener pastures in Canada and the U.S. (3) Mackenzie King concluded that if thousands more were to do the same thing, the potential for extremely serious conflict with the resident population in Canada was great. This was because there was clearly not enough employment for those who had arrived, nor was there sufficient accommodation. King pointed out that even those who had been indifferent to Asian immigration were “alarmed” at the problems the sudden high inflows had caused. One of the major results of King’s investigation was that Ottawa enacted “continuous passage” legislation, which required all Japanese who wanted to come to Canada to come directly from Japan. Today, Canada’s immigration industry likes to say that “Canada’s continuous passage law” discriminated against Japanese. However, the facts show that the passage of a”Continuous Passage” law was sensible and legitimate. Even before this law was approved, even Japanese law declared that it was illegal for Japanese workers (who had been permitted to travel to Hawaii), to travel on their own. In other words, Japan insisted on restricting the travel of Japanese. One reason became clear as a result of the 1907 Vancouver riot : Japan did not want to be embarrassed internationally by having its citizens disobey laws in other countries. Mackenzie King estimated that number of Japanese in the total of 11,000+ who arrived in 1907 to be 6398. The remaining 1650 Japanese had traveled from Japan. Of the 1650, 900 were being imported by the Canadian Nippon Supply Company (a Japanese labour contractor) and another 750 were returning to Canada or coming as immigrants approved by the Japanese consul. Of the total of 8125 Japanese who arrived in 1907, about 3500 would soon leave for the U.S. while about 4500 remained in Canada. The illegal emigration from Hawaii, the scheming of the Canadian Nippon Supply Company, and the 1907 riot which resulted from the scheming, were major international embarrassments to both Canada and Japan. To compensate for the corrupt and under-handed actions of its citizens, Japan quickly agreed to Canada’s continuous passage law which required that people coming from Asia (particularly Japan) had to come directly from their country of origin, not from some place like Hawaii along the way. The Japanese government quickly conceded that this law was intended to protect Canadian labourers and that there was ample justification for the law. That law would later be applied to the East Indians aboard the Komagata Maru who tried to challenge the law in 1914 but lost. That loss has been met with shrill, unjustified Punjabi Sikh claims which failed to look at all the immigration conflict which preceded the Komagata Maru incident. The most significant and damning thing that can be said about the current interpretations of the 1907 Vancouver Parade and Riot is that they are wrong. In spite of this, those interpretations ey have long been used to elicit guilt from Canadians and subsequently to perpetuate unjustified high immigration levels today. One positive thing that can be said about the federal government of 1907 is that it did try to correct its mistakes. Unfortunately, the same thing cannot be said today. Many elected officials at all three levels of government are doing almost nothing to correct the major blunders in Canada’s immigration policies of the past 3 decades. So we have two questions: (1) Who are the “enlightened” in the debate over the 1907 immigration chaos and the Vancouver Riot issue? : (A) the sensible people of 1907 who courageously defended themselves or (B) the political and media parrots, cowards and deadbeats of today? (2) Will it take events similar to those of 1907 to get a number of current elected officials to pay attention to the complaints of many Canadians that Canada’s current high immigration intake has caused such severe problems as unaffordable housing? Dan Murray, Immigration Watch Canada For photos of the damage done to Chinese and Japanese buildings during the riot, see these photos from the UBC Library : |
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| For Canada’s 155th Anniversary : “The Demolition Of A Nation, One Step At A Time” The Demolition of a Nation, One Step At A Time (revised) By Tim Murray,Immigration Watch Canada Writer On July 1, 2022, Canada observed 155 years of Confederation. But as this bulletin points out, is there a nation still to celebrate? Please note the following two prophetic statements on the consequences of mass immigration to Canada and Australia . One is by former Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King and the other by Australian historian Geoffrey Blainey: “…the people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population.” Prime Minister Mackenzie King, May 1st, 1947 “It is rare for a nation… to turn in a completely new direction. It is unusual for a democracy take such a turn. People are therefore entitled to inquire whether the distinctive character of their nation—and some of its greatest achievements—will remain if people from very different cultures are encouraged to come and, as far as possible, to maintain their own cultures. “ Geoffrey Blainey (“All for Australia”, 1984 p. 154) The following is a link to a site which documents the demolition of thousands of City of Vancouver heritage houses in the last 20 years. Ironically, the people who performed many, if not most, of the actual demolitions, were Punjabi Sikhs : https://www.facebook.com/VancouverVanishes We are providing photos of Vancouver Heritage Houses which were demolished as a result of mass immigration. 65428331_2989718811068837_3748217100225740800_ |
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| Demolitions, if viewed in slow motion, are revealed to be a sequential process. They begin with the destruction of the ground floor, and work their way up, until the entire building “suddenly” collapses. Viewed in hindsight, it may appear that the collapse of Canada’s identity was almost instantaneous. But in fact, it did not happen overnight. Our cultural, ethnic and environmental edifice was brought down incrementally, by a series of policies and laws that spanned some forty years. Let’s start at the beginning, in 1962, at the “ground floor” of implosion, and then follow the chain of disintegration up to 2006 and our present predicament, with Canada teetering on the edge of complete re- colonization and assimilation. (1) 1962 Prime Minister John Diefenbaker’s Progressive Conservative government declared that independent immigrants and their immediate families would be admitted to Canada from everywhere in the world. However, while the Tories said that all comers were welcome, it was successive Liberal governments which set up the machinery to get them. |
| (2) 1965 In response to a global mood to support the movement for colonial independence and repudiate the history that made the Holocaust possible, Canada signed the “United Nations International Convention on All Forms of Racial Discrimination”. This post-war shift in attitude served to discredit principles that were used to legitimize exclusions in existing immigration policy. The signing of this UN Convention, a seemingly innocuous action, came to have a profound impact on subsequent immigration policy-making. (3) 1966 The Pearson government’s White Paper on Immigration Policy advocated a universal admissions policy. The country was to be cut from its cultural moorings, as European immigrants would no longer be given preference. This change in immigration selection criteria constituted a crucial change in direction for the country. It was a confluence of two beliefs. One, that Canada should cast its immigration net widely to capture “the best and the brightest”, and two, that Canada was morally obligated to embrace immigrants from across the world without reference to their ethnic, racial, religious or cultural origins. No longer would the nation’s cultural cohesion be a consideration in deciding who gets in and how many. (4) 1967 The “point system” was introduced. As T. Triadafilopolous of the University of Toronto put it, “Through the points system, Canada would select immigrants according to a set of universal criteria, including educational credentials, language competency in English and/or French, and labour market potential. Applicants’ ethnic and racial backgrounds were no longer to be considered in determining their eligibility for admission to Canada. The result of this change …was precisely what (Prime Minister Mackenzie) King tried to avoid: the diversification of immigration and consequent transformation of Canada’s demographic structure. Whereas immigrants from ‘non-traditional’ source regions …comprised only a small fraction of Canada’s total immigration intake from 1946 to 1966, by 1977 they made up over 50% of annual flows. Changes in immigration policy shattered the foundations of ‘white Canada’ and created the conditions for Canada’s development into one of the most culturally diverse countries in the world. (from “Dismantling White Canada: Race, Rights and the Origins of the Point System”) |
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| (5) 1967 The Immigration Department was ordered to no longer list immigrants by ethnic origin but rather by “country of last residence”. This allowed the government to conceal the fact that many third world immigrants had traveled to Canada from traditional source countries like the UK. (6) 1971 Multiculturalism is declared official state policy. Henceforth, Canada was no longer to be perceived as consisting of our two founding cultures, English and French, but as a mosaic of equivalent ethnic fragments. Canada was to become the helpless victim of a social engineering project whose sweeping scope was yet to be comprehended. (7) 1974 Biologist Jack R. Vallentyne of the Fisheries and Marine Service called for a national population policy. His call was ignored. Vallentyne, a former professor at Cornell University, was made leader of the Eutrophication (pollution) Section of the Freshwater Institute in Winnipeg. It was in that capacity that Vallentyne became alarmed at the extent to which overpopulation and over-development was promoting eutrophication of our water resources. (8) 1976 The Science Council of Canada released its report number 25, “Population, Technology and Resources” which concluded that perpetual population growth would stress Canada’s limited non-renewable resources. It advocated (A) restricting immigration and (B) stabilizing Canada’s population. Another forgotten report. |
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| (9) 1976 Voluminous anecdotal evidence had come to challenge the claim that European interest in emigrating to Canada had diminished, as prospective skilled and educated immigrants from Britain and the Continent with immediate family were being turned away in droves. Immigration officials in 1976 conceded that as many as 60% of British applicants were being rejected while unskilled third world immigrants with poor language skills were welcomed with open arms. The vision of the 1966 White Paper was being fulfilled. The number of immigrants with skills steadily declined while the number who were sponsored as relatives increased from 34% in 1966 to 47% by 1973. (10) 1976 Canada’s first separatist party, the Parti Quebecois, was elected. By this action, Quebec Francophone voters indicated that they were not prepared, as English Canadians were apparently were, to see their unique culture dismembered by a multicultural globalist agenda. Quebecers were not willing to go down with the English Canadian ship. (11) 1980 English Canada got its second wake-up call when Quebec held its first referendum on separation. After it was defeated, English Canada went back to sleep, and the global “out-reach” to non-traditional sources of immigration continued with Official Multiculturalism still in place. (12) 1980-1983 In response to a recession, the government of Pierre Elliot Trudeau cut immigration levels from 143,000 to 89,000. It was the only time in recent decades that a federal administration reduced immigration quotas in deference to tougher economic times and the need to defend jobless Canadians. Thereafter, immigration policy would be the prisoner of political imperatives, most specifically ethnic vote-seeking. (13) 1982 The “Charter of Rights and Freedoms”—forming part of the Constitution Act—was signed into law. It relegated Parliament to a secondary role—and through it diminished the ability of a majority of the population to influence the direction of the country. It allowed the courts to strike down provincial and federal statutes to satisfy individual rights. Consequently, as writer Frank Hilliard observed, it achieved Pierre Trudeau’s goal of altering our British Parliamentary system and replacing it with a model that divided society into ethnic communities, each with its own cultural norms. It is noteworthy that the Charter’s Section 27 requires the Charter to be interpreted in a ‘multicultural context’. |
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| (14) 1986 Employment Equity Act—allowed a staggering number of recently-arrived immigrants to leap-frog over resident Canadians to secure jobs in the federal public sector. The Act became a template for similar legislation in other provinces which also affected the private sector. (15) 1986-89 The Health and Welfare department of the federal government completed a report “Charting Canada’s Future” which concluded that Immigration has only a short-term effect on Canada’s age structure. Moreover, increases in immigration to as high as 600,000 per year would have, in the long-term, no impact on the age structure. Even changing the age structure of immigrants from 23% below age 15 in 1988 to 30% below 18 and then 50% below 15 would have little long-term impact on Canada’s overall age structure. That message continues to be ignored to this day. (16) 1988 The Multiculturalism Act—institutionalized the policy of multiculturalism begun by Pierre Trudeau. (17) 1988 Breaking with Trudeau’s belief that Canadians should not apologize to ethnic lobbies for alleged past injustices, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney apologized and compensated the Japanese-Canadian community for the federal government’s internment of Japanese-Canadians during the Second World War. The apology began an era of grovelling which can be seen for what it was, not a sincere desire for redress, but a naked grasp for the ethnic vote. |
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| (18) 1991 The Intelligence Advisory Committee, with input from Environment Canada, the Defence Department and External Affairs produced a confidential document for the Privy Council entitled “The Environment: Marriage Between Earth and Mankind”. The report stated that “Although Canada’s population is not large in world terms, its concentration in various areas has already put stress upon regional environments in many ways.” It added that “Canada can expect to have increasing numbers of environmental refugees requesting immigration to Canada, while regional movements of the population at home, as from idle fishing areas, will add further to population stresses within the country.” The document was apparently buried. (19) 1991 The Economic Council of Canada, in a research report (“The Economic and Social Impacts of Immigration”), concluded that immigration has been of no significant benefit to the economy. Once again, it was a message that is still forgotten. (20) 1991 Immigration Minister Barbara McDougall of the Progressive Conservative government of Brian Mulroney launched the policy of mass immigration, which greatly increased immigration levels to 250,000 per year. Like the Liberals’ White Paper policy of 1966, which was engineered by Tom Kent to defeat “Tory Toronto” by recruiting immigrants from ‘non-traditional’ sources, the McDougall policy was designed as a political stratagem to woo ethnic voters away from the Liberals by earning their gratitude. Mass immigration then must be seen as primarily a political weapon to defeat rival political parties rather than a policy that confers a legitimate economic or demographic benefit to Canada. (21) 1994 July 6 Canada’s state broadcaster, CBC/Radio-Canada, with Policy 1.1.4, declares that its mandate requires that its programming should “reflect the multicultural and multiracial nature of Canada”. “In fact”, the CBC continued, “by the reasons of the ethnic diversity of the audience, the Corporation has long practiced a policy of cultural pluralism in its programming, and intends to continue to reflect the multicultural richness and multiracial characteristics of Canadian society in keeping with the Corporation’s obligation to ‘contribute to shared national consciousness and identity’. Schedule planners and programs staff are expected to demonstrate continuing awareness of and sensitivity to this aspect of CBC/Radio-Canada role.” In so doing, the CBC in effect became the voice of immigrant ethno-cultural lobbies and power blocs, while the views of the full cross-section of mainstream Canadian society were largely excluded. |
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| (22) 1995 A second referendum on separation was held in Quebec. It was defeated by the narrowest of margins, 0.8%. Many would argue that the 1995 referendum was hijacked by the federal government, which poured in a ton of money in publicity largely exceeding the amount authorized by the referendum laws. The Gomery commission subsequently found many key Liberal figures guilty of fraud. In addition, for good measure, the federal government fast-tracked the citizenship process for all new immigrants in Quebec in the months leading up to the referendum . This action was timely, as it allowed these immigrants to vote and tip the scales to victory for the “No” side. (23) Premier Jacques Parizeau accurately blamed the loss on the ethnic vote, which had grown with mass immigration. Failing to see that their own society was being undermined by the very same forces that were undermining Quebec, English Canadians rejoiced. However, the result clearly illustrated that since 1980, an increasing proportion of the Francophone population were opposed to the multicultural makeover of their society. (24) 1997 The $2.4 million federally-commissioned Fraser Basin Ecosystem Study, led by Dr. Michael Healey of UBC, was released. It stated that BC’s Fraser Basin was overpopulated by a factor of three. Healey later urged all levels of government to develop a Population Plan for the country. The study was ignored by the government that funded it. |
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| (24) 2001 The Population Institute of Canada made a presentation to the House of Commons Committee on Immigration which recommended that the government develop a Population Plan for Canada, as called for by Dr. Michael Healey. The presentation fell on deaf ears. (25) 2005 Ontario’s Environment Commissioner, Gordon Miller, released a report that challenged the provincial government’s plans to accommodate an additional 4.4 to 6 million people for Ontario over the next 25 years. In introducing this annual report, Miller issued strong cautions. “One of the troubling aspects of the improved planning system is that it is still based on the assumption of continuous, rapid population growth. Government forecasts project that over the next 25 years, Ontario’s population will increase from just over 12 million to 16.4 million or perhaps as high as 18 million. Three quarters of these people are expected to settle in the urban area around Toronto and in the Greenbelt lands. Even with higher development densities, this is a vast number of people settling in an already stressed landscape. ” He added that the area did not have the water resources to support the population increase, nor the ability to handle sewage created by the increase. Miller was vilified for his comments. (26) 2006 Following Mulroney’s precedent of apologizing and compensating Japanese-Canadians for the wartime actions of Mackenzie King’s government, Prime Minister Harper compensated Chinese-Canadians for federal laws that were enacted before the First World War to protect Canadian jobs from the importation of cheap Chinese labour. The compensation came with a profuse apology. |
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| (27) 2006 The C.D. Howe Institute reported that immigration levels would have to be raised to impossibly stratospheric levels to have any effect in slowing the rate of Canada’s aging population. (28) 2013 Canada’s most famous environmentalist, Dr. David Suzuki, said that Canada was overpopulated and that immigration levels should be reduced. Like Gordon Miller, Suzuki was vilified by everyone except the general public, who evidenced their approval in the comments section of newspapers across the country which carried the story. (29) 2013 Reacting to growing ethnic enclaves and the threat of the emergence of a parallel Islamic society, the Parti Quebecois government introduced a Charter that would re-establish the secular nature of Quebec society, a hard won achievement of the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Recognizing that support for the Charter would represent a clear repudiation of the multicultural agenda, the political class and the English media denounced the proposal. (30) 2014 The fact that the Charter enjoyed the support of a majority of Quebecers—and apparently a majority of Canadians in the rest of Canada– the media and the political establishment attempted to discredit the Parti Quebecois government by raising the prospect of another referendum on sovereignty. This was (and is) a ploy to shift the focus away from the Charter. (31) 2015 Two months following his electoral victory, the new Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, essentially confirmed that the mission of cultural and ethnic fragmentation conceived five decades before had been accomplished. In fact, it had gone beyond that. Canada was no longer even a multicultural state—or a nation—but something the world had never seen before. “There is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada”, Trudeau proudly observed, “There are (just) shared values—openness, respect, compassion, willingness to work hard, to be there for each other, to search for equality and justice. Those qualities are what make us the first post-national state.” A state, in other words, that has been cast adrift, cut from its cultural, ethnic and moral moorings. |
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| (32) In reviewing these policies , pronouncements and laws, it is apparent that the promotion of official multiculturalism and quota hiring (“employment equity”) were conceived to work in tandem with mass immigration, so that immigrants would be made to feel fully integrated and at home with their new country. (33) This great “multicultural experiment” then, was essentially an immigration project which changed the ethnic profile of the nation and grew the population by 25%. It was an experiment conducted by a political class on ordinary Canadians without the consent of ordinary Canadians. The project had no electoral mandate. The result is that most Canadians feel like lab rats living in an environment they no longer recognize. They bear witness to the demolition of a nation. |
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| For sensible immigration policies for the 21st century. |
The Wrecking Crew At Work: The Bank of Canada is Complicit in Erasing Canadian History
WE NEED TO STOP THIS
Beginning in the year 2018, there were two concurrent versions of the C$ 10 produced, one version of the note hosts an image of Canadian civil rights activist, Voila Desmond, while another version of the note has a revised image of John A. Macdonald, looking rather old, tired and ugly. Around the same time, the version of Wilfred Laurier on the $5 bill was replaced with an image of him looking old and clapped out. It rather appears that there was a plan in place to remove Macdonald and Laurier from the $10 and $5 bills permanently. Perhaps the plotters had the idea that the generaltHE public would be more accepting of their removal if they were both made to look as ugly as possible first.
The current plan of the Bank of Canada is to remove Macdonald and Laurier, from the $10 and the $5 and to put them on $50 and $100 notes, while removing Robert Borden and William Lyon Mackenzie King off of these higher value notes for good. This has the effect of erasing Canadian history.
A contest is currently underway to replace Laurier on the $5 bill, with a winner to be announced.
Perhaps individuals such as Viola Desmond are worthy of recognition, however she is simply nowhere near Macdonald or Laurier in her importance of her contribution to Canadian history. For that reason, it is important that these two Canadian Prime Ministers retain their positions on the high circulation $10 and $5 bills.
In addition, Robert Borden and William Lyon Mackenzie King should not be tampered with either.
Robert Borden was Prime Minister during the First World War. His government passed the War Measures Act, created the Canadian Expeditionary Force, and eventually introduced compulsory military service, which sparked the 1917 conscription crisis. The Borden government dealt with the consequences of the Halifax Explosion, introduced women’s suffrage for federal elections, and used the North-West Mounted Police to break up the 1919 Winnipeg general strike.
MacKenzie King was the dominant Canadian political leader from the 1920s through the 1940s. He served as the tenth prime minister of Canada in 1921–1926, 1926–1930 and 1935–1948. He is best known for his leadership of Canada throughout the Second World War (1939–1945) when he mobilized Canadian money, supplies and volunteers to support Britain while boosting the economy and maintaining morale on the home front. He was the longest-serving prime minister in Canadian history. A survey of scholars in 1997 ranked MacKenzie King as the first in importance among all Canada’s prime ministers, ahead of Sir John A. Macdonald and Sir Wilfrid Laurier.
Patriots should voice their displeasure to the Bank Of Canada, by calling 1-800-303-1282
REFUSE TO ACCEPT VIOLA DESMOND $10 NOTES. DEMAND A TRADITIONAL $5 or $10 NOTE WITH THE IMAGE OF A BONA-FIDE CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER ON IT.
ALSO, PLEASE WRITE A LETTER TO THE NEWLY APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF THE BANK OF CANADA, EXPRESSING YOUR DISPLEASURE, AT THE ADDRESS BELOW :
Tiff Macklem, Governor
Bank of Canada,
234 Wellington Street
Ottawa, ONTARIO
K1A 0G9
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| Life in the 1940s |
Canada had strong collective ethnic markers before WWII/1960s, with immigration policies that excluded ethnic groupings deemed to be an existential threat to the “national character.” But as a liberal nation, Canada had a weak sense of the political, a weak understanding of the actual way the nation was founded, by a people with a strong Anglo-Quebecois identity rooted in a territory set up against potential enemy groupings. Instead, Canadian leaders imagined their nation to be a contractual creation by individuals seeking security, comfort and liberty. This is why they were highly susceptible to the new normative climate that emerged after WWII.
This normative climate, as explained in Part 1, consisted of four key claims:
These claims had been articulated by intellectuals before WWII, but it was only after this war that they took a firm hold over Western civilization.
The ethnically-oriented normative liberalism that prevailed in Canada before WWII was clearly embodied in the Immigration Act of 1910, the Immigration Act Amendment of 1919, and the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923. The norms contained in these acts, even as they came under heavy critical scrutiny after WWII, and confidence in their validity was weakened, prevailed in Canada until the 1962/67 Immigration Regulations, which eliminated selection of immigrants based on racial criteria.
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| Immigration Act 1910 |
These Acts envisioned Canada as a “white man’s country.” The Immigration Act of 1910 reinforced the immigration restrictions based on race contained in the Immigration Act of 1906, and in all prior government statements and policies about immigration since Confederation. The 1910 Act gave Cabinet the right to enact regulations to prohibit immigrants “belonging to any race deemed unsuitable to the climate and requirements of Canada or immigrants of any specified class, occupation, or character.”
The Immigration Act Amendment of 1919 introduced further restrictive regulations in reaction to the economic downturn after WWI and the rising anti-foreign sentiments of Canadians after this war. Immigrants from enemy alien countries were denied entry as well as immigrants of any nationality, race, occupation and class with “peculiar customs, habits, modes of life and methods of holding property.” The Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 imposed further restrictions on Chinese immigrants to the point that the only Chinese admissible in Canada were diplomats, government representatives, merchants, and children born in Canada who wished to return after leaving for educational purposes. An estimated 15 Chinese immigrants only were able to gain entry into Canada between 1923 and 1946.
Now, while a few million immigrants from Continental Europe had been welcomed to Canada as “agriculturalists” in the nineteenth century, there was considerable ambivalence among the mainstream British elite as to whether non-British immigrant wage workers would fit into the Anglo culture or whether they would be inclined to establish their ethnic ghettos. But with businesses keen on maintaining a supply of cheap immigrant workers, the government came to accept immigrant wage workers from Eastern and Southern Europe, so long as they were subject to assimilation and transformed into English-speakers with manners and habits in line with Canada’s “Britishness.” The expectation was not that non-British Europeans would readily assimilate to British ways, but that they would at least contribute to the economy and become law-abiding English-speaking citizens.
In the 1940s the dominant British in Canada saw themselves as the true representatives of Canadian culture. “Britishness” still remained intrinsic to Canada’s identity. The old imperial heritage, the monarchy, the parliamentary system, the deference to law and order and many other cultural trappings, mannerisms, clothing, and customs were still the standard of what it meant to be “Canadian.” Non-British Europeans were not perceived as members of this British club, but neither were they seen as a threat to the basic functional requirements of Canada. By the 1960s many British Canadians were sympathetic to the presence of other Europeans. Only non-Europeans were identified as “unassimilable races” that would pose a threat, in large numbers, to the unity and cohesion of Canada’s national character and economy viability.
The experience of WWII would result in a total break with these pro-European racial norms and Canadian Britishness. As each generation after WWII would go on to enact ever more radical policies in order to bring these norms to actualization, Canadian liberals would forget that their British-European identity, in contradistinction to non-European modes of being, was their one political concept holding their liberal nation together. Once this last bastion of collectivism was degraded, Canadian leaders would be caught up within a spiral of radicalization unable to decide which racial groups might be their friends and which might be their enemies, which groups might be already lurking within and outside the nation ready to play up the political with open reigns, ready to promote their own ethnic interests under the cover of the universal language of the new norms.
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| Mackenzie King welcomed by CBC |
The take off of the spiral was already evident in a speech that Prime Minister Mackenzie King gave before Parliament on May 1947:
The policy of the government is to foster the growth of the population of Canada by the encouragement of immigration. The government will seek by legislation, regulation and vigorous administration, to ensure the careful selection and permanent settlement of such numbers of immigrants as can advantageously be absorbed in our national economy… With regard to the selection of immigrants, much has been said about discrimination. I wish to make quite clear that Canada is perfectly within her rights in selecting the persons whom we regard as desirable future citizens. It is not a “fundamental human right” of any alien to enter Canada. It is a privilege. It is a matter of domestic policy… There will, I am sure, be general agreement with the view that the people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population. Large-scale immigration from the Orient would change the fundamental composition of the Canadian population. Any considerable Oriental immigration would, moreover, be certain to give rise to social and economic problems of a character that might lead to serious difficulties in the field of international relations.
Reading this speech from today’s radicalized situation, the speech seems very strong in its racial orientation, but the discrediting of racial identity is already evident, never mind notions of racial hierarchy. The word “race” is absent from this famous speech, and there is nothing about “Asiatics” being “unsuitable” or being “an alien race,” and not an inkling about Canada “being a white man’s country,” never mind anything about the rightful duty of English peoples to “rule over less civilized races.” These phrases were common in the pre-WWII period. King’s justification for not making any major alterations in Canada’s immigration policies was that it was within the sovereign right of the Canadian government to select “the persons whom [it] regards as desirable future citizens.”
However, while he is aware of the ideology of human rights, he still holds on to the norm that “it is not a ‘fundamental human right’ of any alien to enter Canada… It is a matter of domestic policy.” He adds that “large scale immigration from the Orient would change the fundamental composition of the Canadian population.” The Canadian government had a right to affirm its national cultural interests rather than submit to extra-national human rights norms.
Yet the spiral could not be appeased. Pressure soon began to mount over the actually existing, racially-oriented, immigration acts of Canada. In the same year of 1947, the minister of external affairs suggested that the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, could not be justified “under the UN Charter which Canada had signed and which called for an end to discrimination based on race, religion, and sex.” Diplomatic pressure from the Chinese government then led the Canadian government, in the same year, to terminate this Act. Moreover, the province of BC, in 1947, gave Asians the right to vote in federal elections and to enter professions from which they had been hitherto discriminated from entering; and in 1949 the federal government also gave Japanese Canadians the right to vote in federal elections.
The issue is not whether we disagree or not with these policies. It is to identify the take off point of the spiral, and how fair minded it all seemed at first. No one in these days was calling for the total diversification of Canada through mass immigration in a state of hostility against the founding Eurocanadians.
It is worth noting that Canada at this time was caving in to pressure from foreign countries and the UN generally, which was made up mostly of non-Western countries without any individual rights but with a strong concept of collective political identity, and, therefore, undisturbed by any norms expecting them to give up their sovereign right to determine the racial character of their nations, even though they, too, were signatories of the UN Charter. Canada, having played an important role in the creation of the UN in 1945, and in the creation of a multi-racial Commonwealth following the granting of independence to India, Pakistan, and Burma in 1947-48, felt morally obligated to the new anti-racist and pro-Third World norms.
The pressure to abide by the new norms was also coming from domestic groups in Canada with a weak sense of the political, business groups believing that what matters in human life is economic growth and prosperity and that liberal nations are places in which abstract individuals enjoy the right to economic liberty and the pursuit of affluence regardless of their collective ethnic identity. It was also coming from leftist liberals who felt that Canada was not living up to its ideals of individual freedom and equality under the law and elimination of any form of discrimination based on non-economic, racial and sexual criteria.
In a Standing Committee of the Senate on Immigration and Labour, which was active from 1946 through to 1953, and which went about collecting the views of multiple groups, ethnic lobby groups, civil servants, organized labour, humanitarian organizations and churches, it was recommended that the Immigration Act of 1910 be revised. The influence of organized labour was felt in this recommendation in its expression that immigration numbers should take into account level of unemployment and the ability of the economy to absorb new immigrants without threatening wages. However, the Canadian Congress of Labour openly recommended an end to racial criteria in immigration policy: “‘race’ ought not to be considered at all.”
Still, the Standing Committee at large, while concluding that racial wording should be avoided in a new immigration act, voiced approval of “Canada’s traditional pattern of immigration and her strong European orientation.” A most interesting statement of this Committee was its assertion that Canada was a nation based on a mixture of white European peoples, not just Anglo-French, but Italians, Greeks, Slavs, Jews, Ukrainians. All these ethnic groups were deemed to be assimilable “into the national life of Canada.” The consensus around these years, then, was that
The spiral, however, was just beginning to gather momentum.
