Tag Archives: Andre Desmarais

Insights Into The Desmarais Clan’s Disturbing China Connexion

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Insights Into The Desmarais Clan’s Disturbing China Connexion

Zhu Rongji Went Off Script Beside Chrétien and Desmarais to Call Canada China’s “Best Friend”—Then Beijing Omitted RecordThe Canadian diplomat who took notes at the 1998 dinner says Zhu’s “best friend” declaration was left out of Beijing’s published account, and that the eagle in his famous warning was not America.

Sam CooperAug 18 




OTTAWA — Chinese premier Zhu Rongji discarded a prepared speech at a 1998 dinner in Beijing and spontaneously declared Canada to be China’s “best friend” while seated directly between prime minister Jean Chrétien and Chrétien’s son-in-law, Power Corporation executive André Desmarais, according to the Canadian diplomat assigned to record Zhu’s remarks.But Zhu’s declaration did not appear in the account published by the Chinese Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily.Charles Burton, the veteran diplomat and China scholar who attended the dinner as an official note-taker, told The Bureau Tuesday that People’s Daily instead published Zhu’s unused prepared speech the following day. Its account also omitted Zhu’s off-the-cuff response to a Time magazine profile warning that his aggressive economic reforms had carried him dangerously close to the political sun.Burton disclosed the circumstances after reading Desmarais’s tribute to Zhu, published in La Presse and The Globe and Mail following Zhu’s death on August 12 at 97.Zhu’s death drew tributes from around the world to the technocrat who led China into the World Trade Organization and helped transform the country into the world’s factory. Desmarais’s tribute stands apart among them, both for its intimacy and for what it says about relations between Beijing, Ottawa and Washington.It is also illuminating for Canadians seeking to understand Ottawa’s long-standing approach to Communist China—and the influence of a Montreal corporate and political network that championed deeper engagement with Beijing.Desmarais describes Zhu as an uncle-like figure, mentor and intimate friend. Burton’s account provides a rare firsthand window into how the statement underpinning that narrative was actually delivered.“The text [of] Zhu’s upcoming dinner speech was placed at each table setting,” Burton recalled. “I got out a sharpened pencil to note if he left any of it out or added any asides.”“Then Zhu completely ignored the prepared text.”Burton was also struck by Zhu’s position at the table.André Desmarais was then head of the Canada China Business Council, Burton said. Jean Chrétien, the Canadian prime minister, was his father-in-law.The Chinese premier sat directly between them.“I am pretty sure that the CCP took the father-in-law/son-in-law [relationship] as a significant factor,” Burton wrote in comments to The Bureau.“I was a bit thrown to see Premier of the State Council Zhu dead centre between them.”The tableau compressed a powerful Canada–China network into a single seating arrangement: the Chinese premier, Canada’s head of government and a leading member of the Montreal corporate dynasty that had spent years developing commercial and political relationships with Beijing.Power Corporation was among the Canadian companies that founded the Canada China Business Council in 1978. Paul Desmarais served as its founding chairman. André Desmarais later led the organization and remains its honorary chairman.Desmarais also recalls Zhu warning in a speech that an eagle flying too close to the sun would burn and be reduced to ashes. Everyone present, Desmarais writes, understood the eagle to represent the United States, and Canada to be the steady partner on which China could rely.The anecdote casts America as the arrogant power destined to fall, while Canada emerges as Beijing’s trusted and dependable alternative. That interpretation has immediate resonance as Prime Minister Mark Carney holds last-minute talks with Washington to avert threatened 50 percent American tariffs.But Burton says there was no reference to the United States in Zhu’s remarks that night.The eagle was Zhu himself.Less than a month before Chrétien’s November 1998 visit, Time published a profile titled China’s Missing Pieces. It compared powerful men to Icarus and identified Zhu as China’s most daring “highflyer”—a reformer in danger of crashing under political resistance, unemployment and unrest.At the dinner, Burton said, Zhu jokingly rebutted that characterization. Seated between Chrétien and Desmarais, he suggested that the Canadian prime minister could see Zhu had neither burnt feathers nor the smell of roasted chicken.“The Icarus metaphor of ‘flying too close to the sun’ was famously applied to Zhu Rongji by Time magazine in October 1998,” Burton said.“There was no reference to the United States in Mr. Zhu’s remarks that night. None of his refuting of the Time Magazine piece or his Canada is best friend of China assertion made it into the official record,” Burton said.For Burton, the 1998 dinner was emblematic of something larger.“Zhu Rongji’s premiership marked the golden age of highly lucrative relationships between the Canadian Laurentian elite and Chinese Communist business networks,” he told The Bureau.Under Xi Jinping’s neo-Leninist redirection of China’s political economy, Burton added, a new mercantilism focused on domestic investment has taken hold, and Canadian industrialists are no longer the “valued partners and friends” they may have naively believed themselves to be 30 years ago.Nearly three decades after Burton saw Chrétien seated beside Zhu and Desmarais, the former prime minister was again in Beijing, The Bureau has reported.On the eve of Carney’s January 2026 visit, former Canadian diplomat Michael Kovrig drew attention to Chrétien’s private meeting with Chinese Vice-President Han Zheng only days before Carney’s arrival.Kovrig described Chrétien as a possible “warm-up act” for the official mission. He emphasized Chrétien’s close connections to Power Corporation and the CCBC and characterized the circumstances as a possible effort by “certain business interests to deepen trade and investment.”“Canadians should watch closely what sort of dealmaking follows,” Kovrig said, as reported by The Bureau.Brian Lee Crowley of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute has recounted an even blunter warning.Crowley said the late David Kilgour told him that, upon becoming minister of state for Asia-Pacific under Chrétien, Kilgour received a visit from a representative of the Prime Minister’s Office.“Our policy toward China, he was told in no uncertain terms, is set not at our foreign ministry or the PMO, but at the headquarters of Power Corporation in Montreal,” Crowley wrote.That is Crowley’s account of Kilgour’s recollection, but the relationships themselves are documented.

Brilliant Expose of the Subversion of Past Canadian Gov’ts, Liberal and Conservative, By the Red Chinese Lobby, Especially the Demarais Family’s Power Corp.

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Brilliant Expose of the Subversion of Past Canadian Gov’ts, Liberal and Conservative, By the Red Chinese Lobby, Especially the Demarais Family’s Power Corp.

The PMO’S history of subservience

  • National Post
  • 4 Mar 2023
  • Raymond J. de Souza
Pierre Trudeau meets with Mao Zedong when Trudeau was on an official visit to China as prime minister in 1973.

Regarding the Chinese election interference scandal, there was this little nugget that came to public attention. The Chinese donors — who were to be reimbursed by the Chinese communist state — who ponied up a cool million for the Trudeau Foundation wanted to build a joint statue for Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Chairman Mao at the University of Montreal law school.

The law school demurred on the Mao bit, saying that, “Obviously, since Mao had no connection to the university, that suggestion was not an option for us.”

It’s not obvious actually, as universities tend to set a very low bar in terms of whose cash they take. It is notable though that being one of the greatest mass killers in history did not disqualify Mao, but that he hadn’t done even a semester abroad on campus. If he was an alumnus, or perhaps had agreed to accept an honorary degree, then things may have been different.

It seems that the entire Trudeau-mao statue project was dropped. It may have had a better chance if it had been proposed for the Desmarais family’s Power Corp. headquarters in Montreal. That is the corporate seat of Canada’s multi-generational bipartisan soft-on-china policy. The Desmarais family had business interests in China and powerful friends in Ottawa — Trudeau Sr., Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The latter were eager to be put in service of the former.

Thus a statue of a Canadian prime minister shaking the bloodsoaked hand of a Chinese tyrant would have been a fitting expression of Canadian policy.

Recall that the greatest crisis in foreign relations for Beijing was the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. Would that prevent China’s integration into the world economy and its capacity to project its power abroad?

Canada came to the rescue of the Chinese communists, working hard to minimize the impact of Tiananmen. First up was Pierre Trudeau in 1990, retired but mightily active in federal politics, leading the charge against Meech Lake. He went to China, escorted at all times by agents of the communist regime, along with sons Justin and Sacha. The sign was clear. The G7’s longest-serving head of government was saying that Tiananmen should be put in the rearview mirror.

Sacha would later write of the trip, recalling the fond memories his father had of touring Maoist China decades previous. The Trudeau affection for Mao was long-standing.

Next up was Mulroney. One of his last acts before leaving office in June 1993 was to host a dinner at 24 Sussex Drive for Chinese Vice-premier Zhu Rongji, along with Paul and André Desmarais. Despite post-tiananmen sanctions, Canada was eager to get back to business as usual. A few months later, Mulroney himself was in China getting on with business.

The campaign reached its height when Chrétien — who was employed by the Desmarais family in the 1980s and whose daughter married André Desmarais — began his premiership with a mammoth Team Canada visit to Beijing. In due course, Chrétien would be succeeded by Paul Martin, who came into his own fortune courtesy of the Desmarais family.

Thus by 2018, Beijing had every reason to be confident that with another prime minister from Montreal installed in Ottawa, Canada would continue to be agreeable. Then China seized the Two Michaels. While they knew that Justin Trudeau would accept the kidnapping with equanimity, what if he lost power? The plight of the Michaels had made an impression on Canadians, personalizing the gangster state China had become. What if another party came into office?

For his part, Trudeau let Beijing know not to worry when, on the eve of the 2019 election, he appointed the Beijing-friendly Dominic Barton as ambassador. Barton wouldn’t make trouble, having spent his previous time at Mckinsey cozying up to the communist regime.

Was that the motivation for Beijing to do its best to keep Trudeau in power in 2019?

By 2020, the Two Michaels meant that the China consensus was breaking down. Mulroney distanced himself from seeing China policy through the lens of Power Corp.’s interests.

Hence it was all the more important to keep Trudeau in power. It was not a sure thing; Trudeau had lost the popular vote to Andrew Scheer in 2019. Hence the ramped up interference in the 2021 election.

The Chinese attempt to sway the election to the Liberals was so brazen in 2021 that it was openly complained about at the time. Trudeau ignored it then, confident that what he knew from our intelligence services would never be revealed.

The limited good news of the China scandal is that for nearly four decades, 1968-2006, Beijing counted on a sympathetic Canadian prime minister, no matter which party was in office. No need therefore for interference. Now that only the Liberals are reliably willing to do their bidding, Mao’s successors need to get into the game.